Official Records
General Assembly
Fiftieth session
First Committee
10th meeting
Thursday, 26 October 1995, 3 p.m.
New York
Chairman: Mr. Erdenechuluun ……………………….. (Mongolia)
The meeting was called to order at 3.10 p.m.
Agenda items 57 to 81 (continued)
General debate on all disarmament and international security items
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Mr. Sukayri (Jordan): …
Despite its significance, the indefinite extension of the NPT was not the only important achievement of the Conference. The decisions on the strengthening of the review process for the Treaty and on the Principles and Objectives for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament, as well as the resolution on the Middle East, are all of the utmost importance.
As we know, two of the aforementioned decisions, as well as the resolution on the Middle East, provide for the universality of the Treaty. In view of the fact that only nine countries are still outside the Treaty, and taking into consideration the fact that some of these nine States are already involved in other areas of the international non-proliferation regime — namely, the nuclear-weapon-free zones, which make their accession to the Treaty less urgent — my delegation believes that new methods of securing the universality of the Treaty have to be introduced. One of these could be the establishment of an ad hoc committee with the mandate to approach each and every one of these States, individually or collectively, in order to secure their accession to the Treaty.
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As far as the Middle East is concerned, the universality of the NPT is of the utmost importance. Pending the accession to the Treaty by all States in the region that have not yet done so, it is imperative to reactivate our efforts in all forums towards the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East.
Jordan has been participating in good faith in the multilateral negotiations on arms control and disarmament. In view of the recent positive developments within the ongoing peace process in the region, we are hopeful that the multilateral negotiations will soon lead to effective and verifiable arms control agreements between the States of the region.
The establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East will be a major achievement. We fully support this goal and believe that, in addition to its contribution to general and complete nuclear disarmament, such a zone will enhance confidence and eliminate a major threat to regional security.
We should recall at this point that, in its resolution on the Middle East, the 1995 Review and Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) expressed its concern over the continued existence in the Middle East of unsafeguarded nuclear facilities and reaffirmed the importance of the early realization of universal adherence to the Treaty.
The Conference also devoted two paragraphs of its Middle East resolution to the establishment of a nuclear-weapon- free zone and a zone free of all weapons of mass destruction in the region. Operative paragraph 5 of the resolution
These two paragraphs speak for themselves and need no further assertion. Therefore, we call upon Israel, the only State in the region with significant nuclear capabilities, to respond positively to this resolution, as well as to all relevant United Nations resolutions, by adhering to the NPT and placing its nuclear facilities under the safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and also to take all necessary steps for facilitating the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region of the Middle East.
My delegation welcomes the fruitful outcome of the work of the Group of Experts which has prepared the final text of a treaty on an African nuclear-weapon-free zone. On this occasion, I should like to congratulate all African delegations and wish to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Chairman and Members of the Group, particularly to Mr. Sola Ogunbanwo, the Coordinator and Chief Expert Adviser on the African nuclear-weapon-free zone for his relentless efforts in this regard. I hope that this great achievement will motivate all States in the region of the Middle East to follow suit.
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Mr. Elaraby (Egypt): …
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On 11 May of this year, the Review and Extension Conference of the States Parties of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) adopted three decisions: on strengthening the review process of the Treaty; on Principles and Objectives for Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament; and on the extension of the NPT, as well as a resolution on the Middle East.
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Universality is a sine qua non for the attainment of the ultimate objectives of the NPT. In the absence of universality, the dangers posed by the proliferation of nuclear weapons will persist and, with time, will increase throughout the world. The current situation in the Middle East region bears witness to such threats. One country is engaging in advanced, ambiguous nuclear activities, which are not subject to international supervision. This imbalance is unacceptable. If allowed to continue, it will only lead to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the region and could well carry the seeds of a regional arms race, with all its grave consequences.
In this context, I wish to recall that last week the representative of Israel stated before the First Committee that Israel supports the principle of non-proliferation, recalling his country’s vote in favour of the NPT in 1968 and its support for the indefinite extension of the Treaty. My delegation welcomes Israel’s support for the principle of non-proliferation. But after a quarter of a century it is time for deeds to replace words and for Israel to accede to the NPT. My delegation reiterates the call on Israel to accede to the Treaty and to place its nuclear facilities under full-scope safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
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Regrettably, the Middle East lags far behind Africa in this respect, despite the unanimous calls by the General Assembly over the past 15 years for the creation of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East; despite the Security Council’s recognition, in its resolution 687 (1991), that the goal shall be to establish in the Middle East a zone free from weapons of mass destruction and of all missiles for their delivery; and despite the call, in paragraph 5 of the resolution on the Middle East adopted by the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference, for
This clarion call from the international community is in response to the existence of an advanced unsafeguarded nuclear programme in Israel and in recognition of the fact that the Middle East is a region that, in the light of its history, cannot afford any ambiguity in this regard.
For many years Egypt has conducted extensive consultations with all regional parties, as well as with all extraregional parties involved in the Middle East peace process, and it has submitted several proposals in all relevant forums at the regional and international levels with a view to advancing specific arrangements that would contribute to the realization of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East.
The latest of these initiatives was in the framework of the multilateral Middle East peace process, where Egypt presented several proposals in the context of the Working Group on Arms Control and Regional Security, concerning provisions and elements related the establishment of such a zone, as is mentioned in paragraph 5 of the report of the Secretary-General on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon- free zone in the region of the Middle East (A/50/325). There has not been any substantive, constructive response from Israel to these proposals.
I find it necessary to recall here that for many years Israel had stated that such a zone could be established only through direct negotiations between the parties concerned. Direct negotiations began more than three years ago in the Working Group on Arms Control and Regional Security, yet all efforts to start meaningful negotiations with a view to establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region were unsuccessful. In fact, Israel blocked any serious consideration of the issue, holding it hostage to certain preconditions revolving around “peace and reconciliation” with all States in the region.
If such a position might initially seem to possess some semblance of justification, closer scrutiny and the experience of the last three years reflect vividly the absence of any genuine intent to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East.
It is our firm belief that a comprehensive examination of the modalities and all the related aspects for establishing the zone should begin now in the regional negotiations in the context of the Working Group on Arms Control and Regional Security. No matter how prolonged this process may prove to be, the point to be emphasized is the timing. The initiation phase is now —and not, as the representative of Israel stated in the Committee last week:
Peace and security are two sides of the same coin. Security, on the other hand, cannot be realized unless it is reciprocal and extends to all. Security cannot be the private domain of one party at the expense of all the other regional parties. ln our contemporary world, security is synonymous with the ability to ensure protection against nuclear threats.
Egypt will continue to advocate and strive for the creation of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East, within the broader initiative for the establishment in the Middle East of a zone free of all weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems, and will again this year submit a draft resolution on the establishment of such a zone.
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Mr. Kharrazi (Islamic Republic of Iran): …
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In the light of the United Nations constant support for the establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East, constructive and practical measures must be taken towards its realization. Israel’s reported possession of nuclear weapons and its refusal to accept the NPT obligations and IAEA safeguards have a grave destabilizing effect in the Middle East. This is a serious issue that requires the attention of the international community. The resolution of this problem is a requisite for diminishing the perceptions of a nuclear threat in the region as well for smoothing the way towards securing a truly universal treaty. The institutionalization of regional confidence-building measures, including placing all facilities and installations under the IAEA safeguards mechanism, the accession by all regional States to all international disarmament instruments, particularly the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Convention on Chemical Weapons, are some of the urgent prerequisites for the establishment of a zone free from nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. Iran, for its part, has pursued the realization of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East and, as an original signatory of the NPT, the Convention on Bacteriological Weapons, the Convention on Chemical Weapons and other arms-control agreements, it has complied with all its obligations under those instruments.
The reckless build-up of conventional weapons has not only devoured much- needed resources but has also reinforced the atmosphere of mistrust and anxiety. Different areas have, as a result, become fair ground for political, economic and commercial exploitation by countries and companies that manufacture weapons. In the post-cold-war era, in particular, the reductions in national defence spending by most major arms-exporting nations have forced the arms industries to seek foreign weapons contracts to replace declining domestic orders. For such sales to materialize and to ensure the sustainability of arms industries, the creation of tension and confrontation in certain regions, such as the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, has been necessary.
In this regard, the Islamic Republic of Iran, while attaching great importance to transparency in armaments as a confidence-building measure, believes that transparency in armaments cannot by itself control the destabilizing accumulation of conventional arms in various regions. Therefore, what is really necessary — globally and particularly in the Middle East — is serious and genuine international cooperation for the comprehensive, non- procurement, the elimination of the presence of foreign forces in the region and the exercise of self-restraint by the major arms-exporting countries, which pour advanced weaponry into the Middle East and the Persian Gulf region. The Islamic Republic of Iran has been cited by impartial international sources as the country with the lowest defence budget in the region and the least weapons purchases. Indeed, Iran is committed to restoring a genuine and just peace, security and stability in the region.
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The meeting rose at 6.35 p.m.
Document Type: Meeting record
Document Sources: General Assembly
Subject: Arms control and regional security issues
Publication Date: 26/10/1995