Approaches/Peace process review: September 1992

APPROACHES TOWARDS

THE SETTLEMENT

OF THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT

AND THE QUESTION OF PALESTINE

Issue 16  –  September 1992

United Nations

New York, October 1992

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   

– ii –

NOTE

Since April 1991, at the request of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, the Division for Palestinian Rights of the United Nations Secretariat has prepared on a monthly basis a compilation of relevant recent statements, declarations and proposals regarding the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, including the question of Palestine and the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East for the use of the Committee members and observers.  The present issue covers the month of September 1992.

Reproduced herein are only those parts of the statements, declarations, documents, proposals and initiatives, quoted or summarized, which relate to the Arab-Israeli conflict and the question of Palestine.

Remarks by Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin,

Tel Aviv, 3 September 1992

On 3 September 1992, at Tel Aviv, addressing a ceremony awarding the Sade prize for writing in the military field, Mr. Yitzhak Rabin, the Prime Minister of Israel, stated, inter alia,

"…

"We should back away from illusions and seek compromises in order to reach peace or, at least, make practical moves to promote it.  We should drop the illusions of the religion of Greater Israel and remember that we must take care of the Israeli people, society, culture, and economy.  We should remember that a nation's strength is not measured by the territories it holds but by its faith and its ability to cultivate its social, economic, and security systems."1/

Excerpts from an address by Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in the Knesset,

Jerusalem, 9 September 1992

Speaking in the Knesset at a special session called by the opposition parties, on 9 September 1992, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin explained his Government's position with regard to the current peace negotiations:

"…

"I will not hide anything.  It is truly the intention of this Government, which I have the privilege and honour of leading, to exhaust the great chances of promoting peacemaking with the Arab countries and with the Palestinian residents of Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza Strip.  We intend to do this while safeguarding security.  In my opinion, peace plays an essential role as a factor guaranteeing the security of Israel.  Peace without security has no significance in my eyes; however, real peace augments the security of the State of Israel and enables it to focus on the major tasks the Zionist movement set as its goals in the Jewish people's third return to Eretz Yisrael.

"True, this Government is employing the same framework created by the previous Government, and here I am referring to the framework of the Madrid Conference and the various committees and negotiation formats. There is one significant difference, however.  The previous Government did not forge these tools in order to attain peace.  MK David Levi, the former Foreign Minister, was not in charge of navigating the negotiations process, whereas the man who really controlled everything, in a moment of truth, admitted his true intention: to gain another 10 years through negotiations.  This is not the intention of the present Government.  This Government has no intention or desire to dry up the Madrid framework or empty it of all content.  We plan to use this tool to truly exhaust the chance of reaching peace with security for the State of Israel, whether it is in the negotiations with Syria or in the negotiations on an interim accord for a transitional period.  Much to my regret, the letter of invitation to the Madrid Conference does not include the term autonomy.  Another term is used, but its content, as far as Israel is concerned, is anchored in its international commitment according to the Camp David accords.  Our intention is to fully exhaust this chance, and we are not acting on the assumption that one offers peace in return for peace when talking about Syria.

"We definitely do not wish to repeat the precedent set by the peace agreement with Egypt.  MK Levi, which settlements in Sinai did you define as political or security settlements?  You uprooted them all.  You withdrew from all of them.  I understand that this is unpleasant for you to hear.  I think that MK Landau is closing his eyes and putting his hands over his ears in the belief that Syria is unaware of the precedent in which, in return for peace, Israel had to withdraw from the last grain of sand demanded by the Egyptians and every remnant of Israel presence in Sinai…  I understand that this is painful for you.  It apparently hurts those who were party to paying this price for peace with Egypt.  Now a Government has been established that seeks peace and also understands that in order to attain peace, one cannot always be on the receiving side. This Government, however, also does not want to repeat the precedent of Israel giving back everything in return for peace.

"What is the Government's position?  What are its envoys saying in the negotiations with Syria, which really just began in the sixth round of talks?  After all, nothing happened in the first five rounds.  Nothing related to peace was discussed!…  This Government and its representatives in the peace negotiations with Syria have demanded a peace treaty and are ready to accept the principle that served as the basis of the invitation to the Madrid Conference–which was also acceptable to the previous Government–that peace is based on Security Council resolutions 242 and 338.

"The peace negotiations with Egypt are over.  We came to the Madrid Conference to negotiate with Lebanon, with whom, as you well know, we have no territorial dispute.  There is an international border that was recognized by all the Israeli Governments.  As for Syria, the problem is peace and, perhaps, also–at least according to the Arab demands–territory.  The negotiations with the Jordanian-Palestinian delegation are being held on two tracks.  A peace treaty with Jordan, with whom Israel has virtually no territorial problems, and negotiations with the Palestinian residents of Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza Strip on the implementation of a self-government arrangement in the territories–call it autonomy or whatever name you choose.  Therefore, could any party come to negotiate on the basis of resolutions 242 and 338 without realizing what he was agreeing to?  True, there are different interpretations of 242 and 338, but I have yet to hear of anyone launching negotiations with Syria, after accepting these resolutions as the basis for peace, and interpreting them as stipulating peace in return for peace, unless he is simply trying to deceive everyone.  This Government received a mandate from the people on the basis of its platform.  It received a Knesset majority on the basis of its basic guidelines and does not need approval…  I said that we offered peace to Syria on the basis of resolutions 242 and 338, which have different interpretations.  Our interpretation is very clear: maximum peace…

"…

"As stated before, the Government has a mandate and will direct the peace negotiations in order to attain full peace and will do the utmost possible to preserve Israel's security and territorial assets.  I said we do not need anybody's permission; however, I would like to quote to the Likud MKs here certain statements made by a former Prime Minister [reference to Menachem Begin] during the debate on the Golan Heights Law: As for the political aspect, I would like to declare, in the presence of all the cabinet ministers sitting here, that the moment the Syrian President asserts his readiness to negotiate a peace treaty with Israel, negotiations shall begin and nothing will stand in our way.  That was during the debate on the law.  As for the second possibility, we are ready to reach interim accords–not necessarily territorial ones–and, although I will not go into details here, these are also possible.

"I, as Prime Minister, and my colleagues in the Government attach the highest significance not only to coming to Washington for photo opportunities but also to conducting peace negotiations with Syria.  In the negotiations with the Jordanian-Palestinian delegation, on the Palestinian track, we presented two possible directions to implement an autonomy that will enable the Palestinian residents of the territories to manage their own lives while Israel retains responsibility for security and for the Jewish residents in these territories, and maintains control over foreign affairs, as well as other issues.

"In the meantime, we have serious differences with Syria, but there is the beginning of a dialogue.  We are trying to steer the dialogue with the Palestinian delegation to the heart of the problem: how do we establish the self-government authority, the autonomy, and deal less with the symptoms of the present situation without reaching a solution.  We hope and believe it will be possible to reach an interim accord for a transitional period that will strengthen peaceful coexistence and permit us to find a permanent solution in accordance with the timetable set by the Camp David accords, which was copied onto the letter of invitation to the Madrid Conference.  We regard the peace negotiations and the attempt to resolve the disputes between Israel and the Arab countries and between us and the Palestinians in the territories, as a goal of the highest priority for the security and future prosperity and development of the State of Israel.  Therefore, all these attacks and horrific descriptions of reaching peace do not frighten us.

"Standing on this podium, I now remember how as Defence Minister I presented the national unity Government's decision, which I had proposed, to pull the 15,000 Israeli soldiers out of the Lebanese quagmire.  What terrible descriptions were given here about what would happen as soon as we withdrew.  We got them out of the Lebanese quagmire and changed conceptions…  This Government, according to its peace policy, will continue to make efforts to exhaust the chance–which I believe exists–to promote the making of peace within the framework set by the Madrid Conference and subsequent developments; however, we shall imbue the process with new content that will guarantee peace and security for the State of Israel.

"I do not wish to comment on the last portion of MK Levi's remarks, but I will say a few words.  When we took over the reigns of Government, we encountered a grossly distorted use of State resources.  Construction which did not take unemployment into account.  Tremendous resources–compared to which Kupat Holim [Labour affiliated sick fund] is but a drop in the ocean–were expropriated for investment…  You dried up…  You dried up any chance of making progress toward the building of a productive economic infrastructure.  Everything was diverted to construction and especially, if not only, in the territories.  You mortgaged the State's budgets–running into billions–for the next year or two–in a way that today affects our ability to absorb aliyah in the real sense of the word. Education and employment were harmed but we shall set the situation right, do not worry.  Therefore, I proposed that the former cabinet ministers ruminate on where the country's resources were squandered away and how much we will have to pay for that awful waste, and how much Israel's society and economy has and will be harmed before we succeed in extricating them from the shambles you left them in."2/

Extracts from an address by the United States Assistant Secretary of State

for Near East Affairs and Acting Assistant Secretary for South

Asian Affairs before the National Association of Arab Americans,

Washington, D.C., 11 September 1992

On 11 September 1992, at Washington, D.C., the United States Assistant Secretary of State for Near East Affairs and Acting Assistant  Secretary  for South Asian Affairs, Mr. Edward P. Djerejian, addressed a meeting of the National Association of Arab Americans.  In his speech, Mr. Djerejian made the following comments regarding the status of the sixth round of the Arab-Israeli peace negotiations:

"…

"The sixth round of bilateral talks, which began in Washington August 24, is about to resume in an atmosphere of professionalism, cordiality, and serious commitment to achieving results acceptable to all.  Following the fifth round in April, we stressed to all parties the need to bring to the negotiating table serious, substantive proposals.  The time for public posturing and for asserting hard-edged positions had passed.  The time has come for talks aimed at defining possible areas of agreement and at narrowing the gaps, through compromise, where disagreement persists.  This is the essence of the art of negotiation, and it is the essence of the negotiating process upon which the parties first embarked nearly 11 months ago in Madrid.

"The negotiating parties have responded positively to our call.  The Israelis took steps to improve the atmosphere for this round even before it began.  The new Government of Israel halted work on many of the settlements, which we characterize as obstacles to peace, and ended many of the incentive programmes which supported settlement in the territories; it rescinded orders to deport Palestinians; and it released hundreds of Palestinian prisoners who had been detained for security reasons.  What this represents, as Prime Minister Rabin has said publicly, is a fundamental shift in Israeli national priorities away from investment in the occupied territories and toward meeting pressing social, economic, and human needs within Israel.

"At the bargaining table, substantive papers, which provide a foundation for further negotiation, have been presented by the Syrians, Palestinians, and Israelis.  Acting Secretary Lawrence Eagleburger met with all the delegations just prior to the Labour Day break, when some of the delegations departed Washington for consultations.  The talks will resume September 14.

"While I can't go into the details of the discussions, I can report the following:

· Syria's decision to put forward a substantive paper is a positive and, indeed, historic step.  It reinforces Syria's stated commitment to peace–a commitment which President Assad stressed in his meeting this week with a Druze delegation from Golan.  The Syrians and Israelis are addressing core issues–namely territory, security, and the nature of peace.

· The Palestinians and Israelis are deeply engaged in discussing substance and in establishing a work plan.  There remain, of course, legitimate differences over both the form and substance of interim self-government arrangement.  But, for the first time, there is a timetable for elections and the inauguration of a transitional period.  Both sides should seize this opportunity and get down to the difficult but necessary work of engaging on details.  The prospect of the Palestinians beginning to govern themselves is within reach.  It is essential that no more time be lost and that the parties engage in serious, detailed negotiations to make real progress in the months ahead.

· In the talks between Lebanon and Israel, the security situation on the ground and especially in southern Lebanon continues to be of serious concern to both sides.  Differences between the parties focus on Lebanon's demand for immediate implementation of UN Security Council resolution 425 and Israel's desire for a full peace treaty and normalized relations between the two. Notwithstanding this difference, the parties are engaged in serious discussions, particularly in the area of mutual security. It is very important that Israel has made clear that it has no territorial or water claims in Lebanon.

· In the Jordanian-Israeli negotiations, the two sides continue working on an agenda which will set the stage for engagement on several key issues such as water, energy, and security.

"Another major accomplishment has been the beginning of the multilateral negotiations on issues of regional concern such as arms control and regional security, refugees, water, the environment, and economic development.  The first meetings of working groups took place in May and brought together regional parties, including 11 Arab States, and other interested parties from around the world to work toward resolving some of the decades-old disputes among these bellicose neighbours.  The next round of working group meetings will begin next week in Washington and Moscow and will continue in October and November.

"Some parties–Israel, Syria, and Lebanon–stayed away from certain multilateral meetings for their own reasons.  We will continue our efforts to persuade these parties that participation in all of these working groups is truly in their best interests."3/

Text of Israel's "Informal Concept of the Interim

Self-government Arrangements.  Building Blocks for Agreement,"

Washington, D.C., 14 September 1992

In its issue, dated 17-18 September 1992, Jordan Times published a text of an Israeli proposal on interim self-government arrangements, presented to the Palestinian side of the Jordanian-Palestinian delegation, on 14 September 1992, during the sixth round of the Arab-Israeli peace negotiations.  The following is the text of the document, as it appears in the newspaper:

"INFORMAL CONCEPT OF THE INTERIM SELF-GOVERNMENT ARRANGEMENTS

BUILDING BLOCKS FOR AGREEMENT

"A. Negotiating framework

"1. Goal of negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians of the territories and terms of reference:

"Agreed Interim Self-Government Arrangements for a period of five years.  Beginning the third year, negotiations on the permanent status will take place.  On the basis of resolution 242 and 338. The above is based on the Madrid invitation and is suggested in its framework.

"A sequence of three basic elements is suggested:

"(1) Agreement

"Our current negotiations should culminate in an agreement containing all relevant elements, and issues necessary to achieve the goal of Interim Self-Government Arrangements.

"The agreement should be concluded and signed by the negotiating partners, namely, the Israeli and Jordanian-Palestinian delegations.  This will grant the agreement its international standing and will assure its acceptability to all concerned.

"The agreement we envisage may include a number of documents: the main agreement on the relevant principles, and annexes to deal with special matters (various spheres, elections modalities, etc.).

"(2)  Interim Arrangements

"The basic idea of the Interim Arrangements, for a limited period of time, is that they should create the proper atmosphere for the negotiations on the permanent status, it must not presage or prejudge the permanent status itself.

"There are different concepts of the permanent status, and they should be raised and negotiated in the proper time and forum, meanwhile, the concept of the permanent status must remain undefined and the Interim Arrangements should leave all options open for the agreement on the permanent status.

"The Interim Arrangements will create a significant change in the reality of life of the Palestinians of the territories.  The nature and contents of this change is the essence of the present negotiations.

"(3)  Permanent status negotiations

"It is agreed that the permanent status negotiations and the negotiations between Israel and the Arab States, will take place on the basis of resolutions 242 and 338.

"The permanent status negotiations should include Jordan; the Madrid invitation relates to the Joint Jordanian-Palestinian delegation and to the Palestinians who are part of it, and 242 deals with States, as is clear from its language.

"The above formulation was achieved on the basic understanding that resolution 242 has different interpretations.

"Thus, the deliberations of all aspects and matters of these resolutions, pertaining to the permanent status negotiations, will not be addressed in the context of the present interim arrangements' negotiations.

"2. Preparatory and supportive measures for building confidence

"Israeli its [as published] has shown its good will by implementing some confidence-building measures in the territories including releasing of prisoners, easing restrictive and preventive measures and revoking expulsion orders.

"It was agreed to create a joint working group on human rights parallel to the negotiations.  This working group could discuss other mutual confidence-building measures.

"This working group should be established together with other working groups which will deal with issues directly connected to the Interim Self-Government Arrangements (see below).

"Israel has agreed to a review of the legal systems in the territories, in the framework of a joint working group on legal matters which will deal with various legal aspects of the Interim Arrangement (see below).

"Israel agreed also to allow, as appropriate, access to relevant information and various public records:

– "Access to the population registration will be provided in the context of understanding on the modalities of the elections.

– "Access to other records will be provided in the context of understandings in the negotiations concerning the relevant, agreed powers and responsibilities and spheres of operation of the Palestinian Administrative Council, as appropriate (see below).

"As stated, Israel is ready to implement other confidence-building measures in the territories in the context of mutuality, and in anticipation that the negotiations will be held in a peaceful atmosphere, free from threats and acts of violence.

"3. Working groups

"In the framework of our joint deliberations, bearing in mind the need to enhance our negotiations, we proposed the establishment of several joint working groups to deal with some of the substance issues of the ISGA, even while other matters are being discussed in the plenary.

"These working groups may deal with the following matters (e.g.):

"Legal matters, including: Review of the legal systems in the territories; legal aspects of the ISGA such as Administration of justice; Local police, etc.

"Concept of the Interim Arrangements; Jurisdiction; Structure; Powers and responsibilities; Spheres of operation; Economic matters pertaining to movement of persons and goods, etc.

"Election modalities (following agreement on concept).

"4. Timetable

"Israel has proposed that a time frame will be set to the negotiations, which will be held in an agreed consecutive stages, starting with the basic concept of the Interim Self-Government Arrangement.

"Continuing negotiations, dealing without delay with the details of the Interim Arrangements, in the working groups or in the framework of the Palestinian track, should enable us to reach without delay the target dates that we suggested in our "Further ideas and proposals" of August 21, 1992.

"5. The Interim Self-Government Arrangements

"1.  Jurisdiction

"The overall territorial-geographical issue should be dealt with in the permanent status negotiations.

"The concept of jurisdiction during the interim period of self-government arrangements should be powers-and- responsibilities oriented based on the four General Principles contained in our informal outline of 20.3.92–namely:

– "Establishment of a Palestinian Administrative Council which will administer the affairs of the Palestinians of the territories in the agreed spheres of operations that affect their own lives, in accordance with the agreement.

– "Spheres of operation that affect Israel and the interaction between Israel and the territories, and between Israeli citizens and Palestinians in the territories, should be handled by the Palestinian Administrative Council in coordination and cooperation with the designated organs of the Government of Israel.

– "Jordan's participation in the Interim Arrangements can be of the benefit for all.

"Thus:

"The Palestinian Administrative Council will wield its executive powers and responsibilities, and will have relevant infrastructure aspects within the territories presently under Israeli military administration.

"Note:

"The powers and responsibilities of the Palestinian Administrative Council to be agreed upon, will not apply to the Israeli security forces and authorities, nor to Israelis in the territories or other Israeli-related aspects.

"2.  Palestinian Administrative Council (PAC)

"The organs of the Interim Self-Government Arrangements should reflect the agreed administrative functional characteristics of these arrangements.

"Thus:

"A Palestinian Administrative Council will be elected by the Palestinians of the territories from among the Palestinians of the territories, to discharge those powers and responsibilities which will be assigned to it, according to the agreement.

"The Palestinian Administrative Council will, in the framework of its assigned powers and responsibilities, be accountable to its Palestinian directorate.

"3.  Structure of the Administrative Council

"The Palestinian Administrative Council will be one, executive, freely elected, administrative functional body.

"The number of its members will be 15, in accordance with the spheres of operation that will be operated by it.

"The Palestinian Administrative Council will select its own chairman from among its members, and allocate the spheres of operation among its members.

"In the framework of the ISGA and in accordance with the agreement… independent courts of law will function.

"4. General powers and responsibilities of the Administrative Council

"The Palestinian Administrative Council, as an administrative functional body, will have the following executive, general powers and responsibilities:

"(1) Regulations and By-laws

"Power to promulgate regulations in its spheres of operations, subject to the agreement, including arrangements for coordination and cooperation with Israel, as well as Jordanian-related aspects.

"(2) Policy planning and decision-making

"Power to engage in policy planning in those spheres of operation assigned to it in accordance with the agreement.

"Power to decide on administrative matters relating to the operation of their spheres of operations, such as:

– "budget and financing.

– "allocation of functions.

– "supervision and audition of its operations.

"Powers, as a body, to enter into contracts and sue and be sued.

"5.  Spheres of operation

"The detailed list of the spheres of operation of the organs of the Palestinian Administrative Council and the powers and responsibilities that will be discharged by them, is contained in our Informal Outline of August 20, 1992.  It is suggested that these spheres be thoroughly studied.  We feel that agreement on them, followed by implementation, will constitute major positive steps in the life of the Palestinians in the territories.

"6.  Cooperation and coordination

"A.  In our Informal Outline of August 20, 1992, we envisaged mechanism for cooperation and coordination between the Palestinian Administrative Council and designated organs of the Israeli Government, during the Interim Period.  These mechanisms are not meant to derogate from the agreed powers of the Palestinian Administrative Council.

"The cooperation and coordination concept is based on four basic assumptions:

– "The operation of some of the suggested powers and responsibilities by the Palestinian Administrative Council has dimensions related to security which should be addressed jointly, due to the overall Israeli responsibility for security.

– "Some spheres of operation of the Administrative Council should be operated in cooperation and coordination with Israel as a necessity.  These spheres include, inter alia, the movements of persons and goods between the territories, Israel, Jordan and other countries; distribution of vital imported products; operating common infrastructures and joint vital systems (e.g. roads, sewage, electricity).

– "Some spheres of operations should be handled in cooperation and coordination for the benefit of the populations of the territories and Israel.  These spheres are connected mostly to the various economic activities.

– "Improper handling of some of the powers and responsibilities may adversely affect and prejudge the outcome of the permanent status negotiations.

"The main target of this cooperation and coordination concept is, therefore, to avoid creating areas of friction and conflict and enable a smooth operation of the Interim Self-Government Arrangements.

"B.  Special issues which may contain cooperation and coordination aspects, such as infrastructure issues concerning water and land uses, can be discussed as appropriate.

"7.  Jordanian-related issues

"The traditional connections between Jordan and the Palestinians of the territories and Jordan's involvement in the walks of life in the territories require the participation, assistance or support of Jordan in the Interim Arrangements in such spheres as:

– "Participation, as appropriate, in the review of the existing legislation in the territories, taking into account the Jordanian legislation still in force in the territories.

– "Aspects of economic activities in the territories, including the banking and monetary systems.

– "A suggested role concerning the local police force.

– "Special issues, including (e.g.) religious matters, as necessary.

– "Taking part in the high liaison and coordination committee and in other relevant liaison committees.

"Note:

"The above is, of course, open to further deliberations and discussion and subject to agreement by all concerned.

"8. Residual powers

"As stated above, "certain areas that affect Israel's basic rights and interests will remain, in the framework of residual powers, Israel's responsibility and will be operated by Israel", whether specified in the agreement or not.

"For special notice:

"(1) Security

"The overall responsibility for external and internal security and public order will remain in Israel's hands (Hague Regulations of 1907).

"(2) Foreign relations

"Foreign relations, being an attribute of a State, will not be exercised by the Palestinian Administrative Council.

"Foreign connections relevant to the administration of the spheres of operation of the Administrative Council will be negotiated as appropriate, and will be discharged by the said organs according to the agreement and in coordination with Israel.

"(3) Israelis in the territories

"All Israelis in the territories, security forces and civilians, will be under Israeli jurisdiction.

"The Administrative Council powers and responsibilities will not apply to the Israeli towns and villages nor to security locations in the territories.

"Note:

"Matters of common concern regarding the contacts between the population in the territories, will be dealt with in the negotiations.

"C.  Modalities for establishing the ISGA and for implementing the interim agreement

"This paragraph deals with the actions that should be taken following the agreement on the Interim Arrangements.

"1.  Elections

"The elections modalities will be negotiated after the basic concept will be agreed upon.

"The concept of the general elections envisaged by Israel was described in our informal outline of August 20, 1992, as follows:

"The Administrative Council will be elected by the Palestinians of the territories from among the Palestinians of the territories, in accordance with the agreed modalities.

"The elections will be free, based on the preservation of the rights of peaceful assembly, free expression and secret ballot, and appropriate measures to prevent disruption and disorder.

"Israelis will not participate in the elections for Administrative Council.

"2.  Assignment of authorities, powers and responsibilities

"Following the election of the Palestinian Administrative Council, the agreed authorities, powers and responsibilities will be assigned to its agreed designated organs.

"3.  Access to relevant information and public records

"As stated above, access to various relevant information and public records will be provided, as appropriate, in the context of the understandings reached in the negotiations and on the modalities for establishing the ISGA.

"D.  Components of peaceful coexistence and other matters of common concern

"This paragraph deals with the ongoing relations between Israel and the Palestinian Administrative Council during the Interim Arrangements' period.

"Smooth running of the Interim Arrangements require peaceful coexistence in the territories, and good faith in implementing the agreement.

"The mechanisms suggested for enhancing the expected good faith and coexistence are as follows:

"1.  Liaison and dispute resolution

"In our informal outline of August 20, 1992, we described in detail our concept of monitoring processes and dispute resolution mechanisms:

'The cooperation and coordination regime requires a multilevel system of liaison between the organs of the Administrative Council and various Israeli government authorities and the Jordanian Government.  The multilevel liaison system will comprise of:

* A high liaison and coordination committee;

* Liaison committees in the various spheres of operation;

* Special liaison committees to deal with special  matters.'

"In a number of areas, a monitoring process may accompany the implementation of the agreements and understandings.

"A 'trial and error' period may hence be required for necessary adjustments in accordance with the experience that will be gained.

"2.  Cooperation and coordination

"The complex set of relations between Israel and the Palestinian Administrative Council, during the Interim Arrangements' period will, as stated, necessitate cooperation and coordination mechanisms.

"Suggested mechanisms are described in detail above and in our informal outline of August 20, 1992."4/

*    *    *

Notes

1. Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily Report:  Near  East  and  South  Asia, No. FBIS-NES-92-172, 3 September 1992, p. 26.

2. Ibid., FBIS-NES-92-175, 9 September 1992, pp. 31-32.

3. United States Department of State Dispatch, September 14, 1992, Vol. 3, No. 37, pp. 701-702.

4. Ibid., FBIS-NES-92-182, 18 September 1992, pp. 4-9.