Approaches/Peace process review: June – August 1992

APPROACHES TOWARDS

THE SETTLEMENT

OF THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT

AND THE QUESTION OF PALESTINE

Issue 15  –  June-August 1992

United Nations

New York, September 1992

– ii –

NOTE

Since April 1991, at the request of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, the Division for Palestinian Rights of the United Nations Secretariat has prepared, on a monthly basis, a compilation of relevant recent statements, declarations and proposals regarding the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, including the question of Palestine and the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East for the use of the Committee members and observers.  The present issue covers the months of June through August 1992.

Reproduced herein are only those parts of the statements, declarations, documents, proposals and initiatives, quoted or summarized, which relate to the Arab-Israeli conflict and the question of Palestine.

Extracts from an address by the United States Assistant Secretary of State

for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, Washington, D.C., 2 June 1992

On 2 June 1992, at Washington, D.C., Mr. Edward P. Djerejian, the United States Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, addressed the final session of a conference entitled "The US and the Middle East In a Changing World: Diversity, Interaction, and Common Aspirations", held at Meridian International Center.  In his statement, Mr. Djerejian described the status of the current Arab-Israeli negotiations and the position of his Government herein as follows:

"…

"In partnership with Russia, we have been able to bring Israel and all her immediate neighbours – Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Palestinians – together for the first time ever in a historic peace process to negotiate a comprehensive settlement of their long-standing disputes in direct, face-to-face negotiations based on UN Security Council resolutions 242 and 338.

"…

"Within the ancient lands of the Near East, the rapid and fundamental change evident elsewhere is also pressing people to see their own futures in a new light and to reevaluate their relationships with other nations, with their neighbours, and with each other in a particularly challenging manner.

"US Goals in the Near East

"Amidst these changes, basic US foreign policy objectives remain consistent and clear.  Two  major goals stand out:

"First, we seek a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace between Israel and all her neighbours, including the Palestinians; and

"Second, we seek viable security arrangements which will assure stability and unimpeded commercial access to the vast oil reserves of the Arabian Peninsula and Persian Gulf.

"These are not new goals, of course.  We have striven toward both for decades.  What is new is the opportunity afforded us by recent global and regional events to make real progress toward achieving them.

"Arab-Israeli Peace Process

"The first of these goals – the search for peace between Arabs and Israelis – has challenged every US Administration in the last 4 decades.  In the Middle East, where war has at times seemed endemic, the road to achieving lasting peace through negotiation now stretches before us.  The first historic steps forward have been taken.

"We knew last autumn, before the first negotiations began in Madrid, that the path we had embarked on would not be an easy one. Fundamental and bitterly contested differences separate the parties to the conflict.  Nevertheless, there have now been five rounds of direct, bilateral talks between Israelis and Arabs, and a sixth round is being planned for a venue closer to the region – namely, Rome.  In addition, we have worked closely with our Russian partners in this endeavour to launch the multilateral phase of the peace process.  Let me comment briefly on where we stand in this process.

"In the bilateral negotiations, the parties have resolved many procedural questions and have begun to put substantive issues on the table.  Israel and the Arabs, including the Palestinians, are all engaging on the basic issues of land, peace, and security which form the nexus of these negotiations.

"Israel and the Palestinians are focusing directly on the central issue of interim self-government arrangements for the occupied territories as a first, transitional step along the path to a permanent settlement of their dispute, which will be resolved in final status negotiations.

"While major gaps remain between the respective positions of the parties, the bilaterals between Israel and Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan have begun down the path of serious negotiations aimed at defining possible areas of agreement and at narrowing differences through compromise where disagreement persists.

"This is the essence of the art of negotiation, and it is the essence of the negotiating process upon which the parties first embarked, 7 months ago in Madrid.

"Another major accomplishment has been the beginning of the multilateral phase of the peace process.  As a result of closely coordinated planning by the United States and Russia, 36 countries, including Arab States, gathered in Moscow in January to organize working groups on issues of regional concern, such as economic development, the environment, refugees, water resources, and arms control and regional security.  In mid-May, these working groups held their initial meetings in various capitals around the world.  Follow-on meetings will convene later this year.

"I just returned from Lisbon, where the multilateral steering committee met on May 27 to coordinate the work of these working groups. I can report that we had a successful and productive meeting.  The reports from the five working groups demonstrated again that all parties are approaching the issues seriously and pragmatically, and we achieved agreement on the venues and timeframe for the next round of working group meetings to be held in the fall.  These multilateral talks support rather than substitute for the bilateral negotiations, and we hope that those bilateral parties who have so far refrained from participating will join all these important talks as soon as possible.

"President Bush and Secretary Baker have committed the United States to play the role of an honest broker, a catalyst, and a driving force to assure the continued progress of the peace process in all its dimensions.  We look forward with real hope to the continued dedication and commitment to peace evinced thus far by the regional parties and the international community.

"…

"The broad policy goals of the United States in the Near East region have been laid down by President Bush and Secretary Baker: genuine peace between Israel and its Arab neighbours, enhancing security and deterring or defeating aggression, helping to protect the world's economic security, promoting economic and social justice, and promoting the values in which we believe.

"I believe these are aspirations in which the peoples of the region – whether Muslims, Jewish, Christian, or otherwise – can realistically share.  Like us, they seek a peaceful, better future. They aspire to work productively in peace and safety [in which] to feed, house, and clothe their families; in which their children can be educated and find avenues to success; in which they can have a say and can be consulted in how they will be governed; and in which they can find personal fulfillment and justice.  In this respect, the pursuit of viable economic and social development programmes, privatization, and adequate educational and vocational training opportunities are key to responding to the basic material needs of the region's people."1/

Excerpts from an interview with President Hafez al-Assad,

Damascus, 2 June 1992

On 2 June 1992, at Damascus, in an interview with a BBC radio and TV team, Mr. Hafez al-Assad, President of the Syrian Arab Republic, said the following, inter alia, with regard to his country's participation in the Arab-Israeli negotiations and the role of the United Nations in the peace process:

"As you know, since the early seventies, we have been emphasizing the peace process, especially in the wake of the 1973 October war.  We agree on resolution 338, which encompasses resolution 242 and calls for peace and then for convening a peace conference.  A peace conference was held once in Geneva near the end of 1973.  Its sessions were then stopped.  This is what exists on the one hand.  On the other hand, new signs have emerged that indicate the international community's recent enthusiasm to stress the importance of implementing UN resolutions and of adhering to international legitimacy.  Discussions began and invitations were issued on this basis by some of the concerned countries and by those with the greatest influence within the international community and the Security Council.  At that time, those countries were the United States and the Soviet Union.  We realized that all of this is in line with what we want, with our acceptance of Security Council resolution 338 and with our desire to attain a genuine, just, and lasting peace – something we have stressed over the past years.  It is also in line with the desire of the international community and its enthusiasm – which has come to the surface – to implement the UN resolutions, which is what prompted us to participate in the peace process.

"…

"The international community, and particularly the international organization – the Security Council – must execute its commitments in accordance with its Charter and must implement its resolutions.  This is especially true given that this Council is composed of influential States that confirm that today's world is one of international legitimacy.  The Security Council and its influential States can implement the resolutions of international legitimacy – the Security Council resolutions, which is the truly guaranteed road to peace.

"…

"There is no contradiction in this matter.  In our previous talks just prior to the peace process, as well as in discussions that occurred some time before and during it, we continued – until now – speak about the role of the United Nations.  They are also talking about a UN role.  Only Israel objects to this role.  The United States and Russia, the two concerned countries, are two permanent members of the Security Council.  What I am saying does not conflict with what is now occurring regarding supervising the peace process.  In all cases, however, these two States – as far as we understand it – are operating under an umbrella and within the framework of terms of reference represented by Security Council resolutions 338 and 242.  The United States and Russia, backed by the Security Council, can implement the resolutions of legitimacy that I mentioned."2/

Excerpts from the Jerusalem Day message by President Hosni Mubarak,

Cairo, 6 June 1992

On 6 June 1992, at the Arab League headquarters in Cairo, Mr. Amre M. Moussa, the Foreign Minister of Egypt, read a message from President Hosni Mubarak  on the occasion of Jerusalem Day.  In this message, President Mubarak stated, among other things, the following:

"…

"Jerusalem will always have a special place in the hearts of believers in the three God-given religions:  Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.  All of these monotheistic religions have a special veneration for Jerusalem, conferring a unique status on that city.  Jerusalem combines the spiritual heritage of the followers of the three major religions: Jews, Christians, and Muslims.  Jerusalem is a reminder of the basic unity of the three religions and a symbol of the peace that should govern the religious practices and daily conduct of their followers.  It is no wonder that the city is called the city of peace. We should not doubt that peace is the ultimate objective and that peace on earth will be achieved on the day peace returns to this city.

"The Holy City of Jerusalem has enjoyed a lofty spiritual status throughout its history.  The aggression against its sacred sites and the usurpation of Arab sovereignty since 1967 has been rejected and denounced by every section of the international community.  For over forty years, the United Nations has envisioned a special status for Jerusalem [word indistinct] that could serve as a starting point for serious efforts to find a just and lasting solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian issue, which is at the heart of the conflict.

"Continued Israeli occupation of Arab and Palestinian land in the West Bank and Gaza, regardless of its duration or nature, cannot create rights or establish legitimacy.  It is based on claims that are falsely attributed to a religion, illusions that distort history, and excuses for expansionist dreams.

"What applies to the occupied Palestinian territories applies, in the same manner, degree, and logic, to the Arab city of Jerusalem, which is an integral part of those territories.  International conventions and resolutions are unambiguous in their ruling that the Israeli presence in the occupied territories is illegitimate and that these territories should never have been seized.

"The policy of imposing a status quo on the city and changing its demographic composition through settlement is holding any future just solution hostage.  The entire world agrees that negotiations, without any prior determination of Jerusalem's final status through unilateral measures, is the proper way to reach a just settlement.  Such a settlement must be reached in the framework of international legitimacy and ensure the restoration of the occupied land, and lead to Israel's full withdrawal in the framework of the peace process.

"When Israel made a unilateral decision in the early 1980s to annex the Holy City and declare it its capital, the international community ruled the decision illegitimate.  Israel's decision was made contrary to the clear wishes of the international community and in opposition to international conventions and resolutions, all of which state that such a unilateral measure is invalid, along with all its consequences.

"Jerusalem's legal and historical status, and its cultural and spiritual significance to the three God-given religions, suggests a common heritage for all humanity that ought to be respected. Therefore, Jerusalem's geography, demography, and ancient sites should not be manipulated to serve goals and interests that are inspired by policies of occupation, settlement, and expansion – policies that ignore Palestinian rights to the land and sovereignty over the Holy City.

"Past and current events in Jerusalem are aimed at creating an illegitimate status quo.  They reflect illusions that are foisted on history and insincere intentions aimed at undermining the peace process and reversing a commitment to the concept of land for peace, the equation on which the current negotiations are based.

"The just and lasting peace we seek should guarantee peace for everyone without discrimination.  Rights should not be squandered for the sake of security, nor should land be abandoned for the sake of coexistence.  The principles of sovereignty and national rights are not negotiable."3/

Text of a press statement by the Foreign Ministers of Jordan, Lebanon,

the Syrian Arab Republic and the Head of the PLO Political Department,

Amman, 7 June 1992

The following statement was issued on 7 June 1992, at Amman, at the close of the two-day meeting of the Foreign Ministers of Jordan, Lebanon, the Syrian Arab Republic and the Head of the PLO Political Department:

"The Foreign Ministers of the Arab parties participating in the peace process bilateral talks met on 6 and 7 June 1992 in the Jordanian capital, Amman, at the invitation of the Foreign Minister of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan within the framework of their continued coordination consultations about the peace process.

"The heads of the Arab delegations to the bilateral peace talks participated in this meeting.

"The participants assessed the progress of the bilateral talks since the Madrid peace conference.  They expressed regret that no substantial progress has been made in these talks due to the Israeli Government's continued refusal to abide by the basic principles of the peace process, particularly the principle of returning the occupied Arab land in exchange for peace by implementing Security Council resolutions 242 and 338, which call for Israel's withdrawal from the Arab and Palestinian lands occupied in 1967; guaranteeing the Palestinian Arab people's national and political legitimate rights in accordance with the resolutions of international legitimacy; and Israel's withdrawal from all the occupied Lebanese territory and implementing Security Council resolution 425 to achieve a just and comprehensive peace in the region.

"The ministers stressed their concern to continue the peace process based on the return of all occupied Arab territory and all Arab legitimate rights.  They called on the co-sponsors of the peace conference and the international community to make Israel comply with the bases of the peace process and to stop its aggressive actions and provocations to prepare the appropriate atmosphere for rendering this process a success.

"The ministers condemned the continuing Israeli aggression against Lebanon.  They expressed their full support for the efforts made by the Lebanese State to liberate all the Lebanese territories occupied by Israel and to confront the constant Israeli aggressions against the Lebanese people and territory.

"During their discussion of all aspects of the peace process and their review of the Israeli Government's intentions to destroy this process, the ministers decided to support the Lebanese Government's request for calling the Arab League Council into emergency session on the ministerial level to support Lebanon's steadfastness and to identify the means of extending such support.

"The ministers condemned the ceaseless Israeli settlement activities in the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories, including Holy Jerusalem, as well as the continuous human rights violations against Palestinians, the latest being the complete siege imposed on the Gaza Strip, as well as the raids on Palestinian camps.

"The ministers warned of the seriousness of the Israeli attempts to bring the holy sites under Israeli control and Judaize the Holy City.  They affirmed the need to immediately implement the Fourth Geneva Convention on all the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories.

"In view of all that has been mentioned, the ministers would like to draw the attention of the world public and the Security Council to the seriousness of the Israeli conduct, which reveals a feeling that it is exempted from compliance with the principles of international law and from commitment to the rules of international legitimacy.

"The ministers called upon the world community to make Israel halt its violations, respect the principles of international legitimacy, and implement UN and Security Council resolutions without any procrastination or prevarication.

"The ministers were unanimous about the importance of continuing the coordination about the peace process.  They underscored the importance of solidarity and joint Arab action, which would safeguard pan-Arab interests and support the positions of the Arab parties participating in the bilateral talks.

"The ministers decided to hold the next coordination meeting in the Syrian capital, Damascus, at the ministerial level."4/

Excerpts from a statement by the United States Assistant Secretary

of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs before the Subcommittee

on Europe and the Middle East of the House Foreign Affairs Committee,Washington, D.C., 24 June 1992

On 24 June 1992, at Washington, D.C., in a statement before the Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Edward P. Djerejian, United States Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, reviewed the state of the Arab-Israeli peace negotiations:

"…

"Middle East Peace Process

"The Arab-Israeli peace process is on firm footing, and progress is being made.  Away from the glare of publicity, negotiations involving Israel, Arab States, and Palestinians have become an established fact in the region.  Five rounds of direct, bilateral negotiations have taken place.  Five multilateral working groups met during May to discuss regional cooperative activities in such areas as water, the environment, arms control and regional security, refugees, and economic development.  The multilateral steering committee convened to ensure that the multilateral track fulfilled its promise of complementing in a pragmatic manner – but not substituting for – the direct bilateral negotiations.  Throughout this whole process, we are working closely with our co-sponsor, Russia.

"Bilateral Negotiations

"In the bilateral negotiations, the parties have taken tentative steps toward serious engagement on the core issues.  Israel and the Palestinians have tabled proposals containing models or outlines for interim self-government arrangements.  During the last round of talks in Washington, the two sides engaged more intensively on several aspects of these models.  As would be expected, each party also sought to modify the positions of the other side.

"Israel asserted that the Palestinian model was too much like a Palestinian State rather than an interim self-government.  The Palestinians countered that the Israeli outline minimized the scope of powers and authorities to be transferred and did not include some key elements from the Camp David accords, such as elections.  Palestinians have also used the negotiations to focus attention on Israeli occupation practices, settlements, and the human rights situation. Israel has called for an end of intifadah [uprising] violence and the economic boycott.

"In the Israeli-Jordanian negotiations, the two sides have engaged in practical discussions on several key issues, such as water, energy, and security.

"In the negotiations between Israel and Lebanon, the security situation on the ground continues to be of serious concern. Differences between the two parties focus on two main points.  Israel seeks a full peace treaty and normalization with Lebanon.  Lebanon seeks immediate implementation of UN Security Council resolution 425. Notwithstanding this difference of view, the parties are engaged in serious discussions, particularly in the area of security.  It is helpful that Israel has made it clear that it makes no claim to Lebanese territory or resources.

"In the Israeli-Syrian talks, the two sides continue to focus on the meaning of a peace settlement under UN Security Council resolutions 242 and 338.  Each side has presented its views and has been testing and probing the position of the other side.  There have been serious exchanges on the issue of mutual security.

"All of the parties have now agreed to conduct the next round of bilateral negotiations in Rome, at a time to be determined.  As a co-sponsor of the peace process, we are working closely with the Italian Government to ensure that the upcoming negotiations proceed smoothly.

"With their basic positions now on the table, we believe the parties can usefully begin defining possible areas of agreement and narrowing the gaps.  This will require hard work, careful listening, hard-nosed realism, and some calculated risk-taking.  At the same time, the parties need to focus on the issues being negotiated and not be distracted by events away from the table.  We hope all sides will undertake measures designed to assure that the negotiations take place in a political environment conducive to making progress and instilling confidence in the peace process.

"Multilateral Negotiations

"Mr. Chairman, even as the bilateral negotiating process was underway, the Administration worked with our co-sponsor, Russia, the parties in the region, and many of our friends and allies around the world to structure multilateral negotiations on issues of regional concern.  These negotiations hold promise of allowing the parties to deal with issues that have been neglected for too long.  The multilateral negotiations were conceived as a means of complementing the bilateral negotiations, not substituting for them.  These forums help bring into the process additional parties from the region as well as extra-regional parties who can contribute expertise, experience, and resources.

"In May, the multilateral working groups held their initial meetings in capitals around the world.  In all cases, the results were encouraging, as all parties engaged seriously and pragmatically on a range of issues.

"In the environment working group in Tokyo, a number of practical measures were identified that hold the potential for resolving some festering environmental problems in the Gulf of Aqaba and in refugee camps in the occupied territories.  In Vienna, the water working group agreed to study ways to enhance the supply of water and the availability of data on water resources.

"The Canadians hosted the refugee working group.  In Ottawa, the parties identified a range of possible practical steps that could be taken to alleviate the plight of refugees and displaced persons without prejudice to the ultimate political settlement.  In the economic development working group, which met in Brussels, the parties agreed to compile an inventory of priority areas for cooperation.  Here in Washington, the arms control and regional security working group convened and began the important process of familiarization with each other and with the concepts, methods, and history of arms control and confidence- and security-building measures.

"We were heartened by the participation of so many parties from inside and outside the region.  Most Arab States participated in all of the working groups, including Jordan, Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Yemen.  Palestinians also participated in four of the working groups.  The contributions of these Arab delegations to the launching of the multilateral process with Israel were significant.

"Also in May, I co-chaired the multilateral steering committee in Lisbon.  This committee coordinates the efforts of the working groups. This first meeting after the Moscow organizational session was successful and productive.  The reports from the five working groups demonstrated that all parties are approaching the issues seriously and pragmatically.  The committee agreed on venues and timeframes for the next round of working group meetings to be held in the fall.

"Clearly, we were disappointed that Syria and Lebanon decided not to attend the multilateral negotiations.  We were equally disappointed that Israel decided not to attend the working groups on economic development and refugees.  We intend to keep these parties fully briefed in the hope that they will decide to attend future meetings of the working groups and the steering committee."5/

Extracts from a statement by the Chairman of the

Group of Seven Economic Summit, Munich, 8 July 1992

On 8 July 1992, at Munich, following the Group of Seven Economic Summit, the Chairman of the meeting issued a statement which, inter alia, dealt with the Group's position on the Middle East peace process:

"…

"Middle East

"We reaffirm our unqualified support for the Middle East peace process initiated by the Madrid peace conference.  We express the hope that the direct bilateral negotiations between the parties to the conflict, as well as the multilateral negotiations on regional issues, will lead to a just, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement based on Security Council resolutions 242 and 338.

"We welcome the progress made by all five multilateral working groups at their recent first meetings.  These talks are a major part of the efforts to promote confidence-building between the nations affected on the road to peace in the Middle East.  We appeal to all sides to create an atmosphere of confidence and trust."6/

Excerpts from statements by Prime Minister-designate Yitzhak Rabin

in the Knesset, Jerusalem, 13 July 1992

On 13 July 1992, at Jerusalem, Prime Minister-designate Yitzhak Rabin, addressed the inaugural session of the 13th Knesset.  He said, inter alia,

"…

"Mr. Speaker, members of the House, in the last decade of the 20th century, the atlases and the history and geography books no longer depict reality.  Walls of hatred have crumbled, borders have been erased, super-Powers have collapsed, ideologies have broken down, countries have been born and passed away, and the gates have opened to immigration to Israel.  It is our duty, both to ourselves and to our children, to see the new world as it is today, to examine the risks and explore the chances, and to do everything so that the State of Israel becomes part of the changing world.  We are no longer an isolated nation, and it is no longer true that the entire world is against us.  We must rid ourselves of the feeling of isolation that has afflicted us for almost 50 years.  We must join the campaign of peace, reconciliation, and international cooperation that is currently engulfing the entire globe, lest we miss the train and be left alone at the station.

"This is why the new Government made its main goal to promote the attainment of peace for Israel and to launch vigorous steps to bring about the termination of the Arab-Israeli conflict.  We will do this on the basis of recognition by the Arab countries and the Palestinians of Israel as a sovereign State and its right to live in peace and security.  We sincerely believe that this is possible, imperative, and will come to be.

"…

"The Government will propose to the Arab countries and to the Palestinians to pursue the peace negotiations based on the format consolidated at the Madrid conference.  As a first step on the way to the permanent solution, we will discuss the implementation of autonomy in Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza district.  It is not our intention to waste valuable time.  The first directive the Government will issue to the negotiating teams will be to accelerate the talks and to conduct intensive deliberations between the sides.

"Within a short period of time, we will reopen the talks to dampen the flame of hatred between the Palestinians and the State of Israel.  As a first step, and in order to demonstrate our integrity and goodwill, I wish to invite the Palestinian-Jordanian delegation for an informal meeting here in Jerusalem, to hear them and to let them hear us, in order to create the proper atmosphere for a good partnership.

"…

"Members of the Knesset, the plan for Palestinian self-rule in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza – the autonomy – included in the Camp David accords involves a five-year interim arrangement.  No later than three years after its establishment, discussions will begin on the permanent solution.  By definition, the very fact that this issue is being discussed arouses concern among those of us who chose to settle in Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza district.  I hereby inform you that the Government, by means of the IDF* and the other security forces, will be responsible for the security and welfare of the residents in Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza Strip.  At the same time, the Government will avoid moves and acts that would disturb the proper conduct of peace negotiations.  We would like to emphasize that the Government will continue to strengthen and build up Jewish settlements along the confrontation lines, due to their security importance, and in metropolitan Jerusalem.

"This Government, just like all its predecessors, believes there are no differences of opinion within this House concerning the eternalness of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel.  Jerusalem, whole and united, has been and will remain the capital of the Israeli people under Israeli sovereignty, the place every Jew yearns and dreams of. The Government is resolute in its position that Jerusalem is not a negotiable issue.  The coming years, too, will witness the expansion of construction in metropolitan Jerusalem.  Every Jew, both religious and secular, vows:  If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand wither!  This vow unites all of us and certainly applies to me, being a native of Jerusalem.

"The Government will uphold the freedom of worship of members of all other faiths in Jerusalem.  It will meticulously maintain free access to the holy sites of all faiths and sects and will make a normal and comfortable life possible for all those visiting and living in it.

"…

"Members of the House, from this moment on, the term peace process is no longer relevant.  Starting today we will not talk of a process, but of making peace.  In making peace, we would like to employ the good services of Egypt, whose late leader Anwar al-Sadat mustered the courage and had the wisdom to award his people and us the first peace treaty.  The Government will seek other ways to improve neighbourly relations and to enhance the ties with Egypt and its president, Hosni Mubarak.

"I call on the leaders of the Arab countries to follow in the footsteps of Egypt and its presidents, to make the move that will bring peace to us and them.  I invite the King of Jordan and the Syrian and Lebanese presidents to come here to this podium, here in Israel's Knesset in Jerusalem, and talk peace.  I am willing to travel today, tomorrow, to Amman, Damascus, Beirut on behalf of peace, because there is no greater triumph than the triumph of peace.  In wars, there are victors and vanquished.  In peace, all are victors.

"In making peace, we will also be joined by the United States, whose friendship and special closeness we sincerely appreciate and hold dear.  We will spare no effort to tighten and improve the special relations we have with the only super-Power in the world.  Although we will receive its advice, the decisions will be ours only – of Israel as a sovereign and independent State.

"We will also foster, enhance, and reinforce our ties with the EC.  Even if we have not always seen eye to eye and have had disagreements with the Europeans, we have no doubt that the road to peace will also go through Europe.

"We will enhance all possible ties with Russia, the CIS republics, the PRC, and every country that would like to take our outstretched hand."7/

Later that day, Mr. Rabin addressed the Knesset, summing up the political debate following the presentation  of  the  new  Government.  In  his  speech, Mr. Rabin said, among other things, the following:

"…

"I believe that the moment the Israeli people decided their country would be founded here, in the land of Israel, they also decided who our neighbours would be.  The moment we decided that the Jewish State can be founded here, and only here, in the land of Israel, we decided that over 100 million people in the Arab countries and the Palestinians would be our neighbours.  There are only two alternatives in the ensuing reality: either to make a serious effort to attain peace – peace coupled with security, and I have stated on numerous occasions that peace that does not give security is meaningless – or else live by the sword forever.  I think that no Israeli Government can look its citizens in the eye and not do its very best to promote the making of peace without impairing security.  An example was set when, to attain peace with an Arab country, we gave back the last grain of sand we occupied in the Six-Day War.  I believe such a precedent will never ever recur.  The political effort spelled out in our basic guidelines does not attest to such a direction.  Today, too, I consider the making of peace between us and the Palestinians in the territories an important issue that may be resolved without impairing Israel's security, whereas that is not the case with regard to other aspects of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

"Moreover, Israel is a State ruled by law.  The moment an Israeli Government undertakes an international commitment that is later ratified by the Knesset, such a commitment is binding on future Governments.  I am talking about the Camp David accords and the outgoing Government's decision – I hope it decided so – on the Madrid format.  These are binding, insofar as they were international commitments.  Therefore, we are sure that not enough was done in the talks with the Palestinian inhabitants of the territories to promote what I believe Israel committed itself to: self-rule for the Palestinians or autonomy.  I am not talking of municipal autonomy – they almost have that – but of self-rule, as is written and spelled out in the Camp David accords.

"I am not 100 per cent sure that we will attain that.  As Prime Minister and a member of the Government, I would like to feel that the best has been done and that Israel's security has not been impaired in the process.  In my opinion, the actions taken by the outgoing Government and the way it conducted the negotiations in Madrid and afterward did not exhaust the chances and, what is more, hurt them.  Each time Baker visited a settlement had to go up.  Things were done that definitely did not demonstrate a serious intention to test the feasibility of these chances.

"We have always distinguished between settlement along Israel's confrontation lines bordering with the Arab countries that insist on being in a state of war with us – incidentally, this is manifest in the Army, in the organization of our defence, and the classification of development areas – and settlement that is just plain settlement.  I believe the so-called goodwill to exhaust the chances of peace did not square with the vast settlement effort made over the last two and a half years.  Enormous sums of money were taken from the state budget – either in short-term contracts or through long-term obligations – not to settle along the confrontation lines or to meet Israel's genuine security needs.  The purpose of this onslaught was only political.  We can distinguish between these two forms of settlement: timing, circumstances, and volume tell whether there is really goodwill to realize our international commitment, to implement the interim arrangement, autonomy, and self-rule.

"I will not cite press interviews, but I do not think anybody examining the process could discern a serious effort on the part of the Government to fulfill its international commitments.  To wit, it retreated from its pledge to hold general elections to holding municipal elections.

"Herein lies the difference between us.  We, too, cannot conceive of impairing Israel's security.  I think there is a chance of making progress toward the first phase of an interim arrangement between us and the Palestinians.  There is a chance that such an arrangement may allay tensions and mitigate hatreds, and in due course it could create a new reality, which would enable solutions that may not exist today and a peaceful coexistence between us and the Palestinians.

"…

"We want to create different conditions, distinguishing between security settlement along the confrontation lines and in greater Jerusalem and those in the regions where what I regard today as political settlements are being set up.  In general, I believe that regardless of the argument over Greater Israel, you should have addressed yourselves to the distress of large segments of the Israeli population, hundreds, thousands of Israeli citizens, rather than investing what you invested in the settlements.  These are two aspects we will change.  We will try, using the Madrid format, more seriously to make good on our international commitment to set up self-rule, autonomy, for the Palestinians, based on Camp David.  This can be done."7/

_______________

*Israel Defence Forces

Excerpts from a document on Israel Government's policy guidelines,

Jerusalem, 15 July 1992

On 15 July 1992, at Jerusalem, Israeli Government Press Office released a document entitled "Basic Policy Guidelines of the Rabin Government".  The following are excerpts from the text of the document:

"BASIC POLICY GUIDELINES OF THE RABIN GOVERNMENT

"1. GENERAL

"The dramatic changes on the international scene – the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War; the opening of the gates of the former Soviet Union to the mass immigration of its residents to Israel; the military strike against Iraq, effected by the United States and its allies – all these have new and great possibilities for advancement in all areas of life in the State of Israel.

"The policies of the Government and the national orders of priorities will be directed toward the exploitation of the opportunities to realize the central goals of the State of Israel.

"The central goals of the Government are: national security and personal security; peace; the prevention of war; the war on unemployment, via the creation of jobs, which will enable the absorption and strengthening of the immigration; the prevention of emigration; economic growth; the fortification of the foundations of democracy; the rule of law; the promise of complete equality for all citizens, and; the observance of human rights.

"2. FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND DEFENCE

"2.1 The foreign affairs and defence policy of the Government will ensure the independence of the State; the bolstering of its security; and the establishment of peace with its neighbours.

"2.2 The Government will be diligent in strengthening and preserving the power of the IDF, its deterrent capability and its ability to withstand any military threat.

"2.3 The Government will forcefully act against all terror and violence.  The IDF and the security forces will act toward the maximal reduction of the level of hostile activity and toward the maintenance of personal security for residents of Israel and residents of the territories, while adhering to the observance of law and of human rights.

"2.4 The Government will provide residents of and the settlements in Judea, Samaria and Gaza with their existential and security needs, and with municipal services.

"2.5 Peace will be established on the basis of recognition, by Arab States and the Palestinians, of Israel as a sovereign State in the region and of its right to live with peace and security.

"2.6 The Government will advance the peace process in the region with representatives of Arab States and the Palestinians, without any pre-conditions.

"2.7 The Government will offer Arab States and the Palestinians to continue the peace process in accordance with the framework and the schedule formulated at the Madrid conference.  The Government will work for the acceleration of the negotiations and for the conducting of continuous discussions between the parties.

"2.8 In the negotiations with the Palestinians, the Government will propose – as an interim arrangement – a programme for the implementation of self-administration for the Palestinians in Judea, Samaria and Gaza.  The Government will refrain from courses of action and activities that will obstruct the proper conduct of the negotiations.

"2.9 The Government will entrench and strengthen settlement along the lines of confrontation.

"2.10 The Government will work toward the creation of a new Middle East, in which resources are no longer devoted toward the arms race, but to development – grounded in economic, cultural and scientific cooperation.  Progress in the peace process must be accompanied by the creation of systems for regional cooperation.

"2.11 The Government will concentrate efforts to deepen and improve the special relations of friendship which exist between the United States and Israel.

"2.12 The Government will make efforts to strengthen relations with the European Community and its member-States, and to make them closer. In addition, it will work toward the strengthening of relations with Russia, the Commonwealth of Independent States, China and other States.

"2.13 The Government will make efforts to cultivate friendly relations and reciprocal ties between Israel and all peace-loving countries.

"2.14 The Government will continue to view Egypt as an important partner in efforts to establish peace in our region and work toward the advancement of the understanding and friendship between the Israeli people and the Egyptian people.

"2.15 The Government will keep all the international commitments of the State of Israel.

"3. CHANGE IN NATIONAL ORDER OF PRIORITIES

"3.1 The Government will alter the order of priorities in the allotment of financial resources from the State budget and from funds which arrive from abroad.

"3.2 A renewed classification will be conducted of the map of development towns and areas, with communities on the lines of confrontation and development areas that are distant from the centre of the country being preferred over areas in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, which are close to the centre of the country.

"3.3 In determining the rate of assistance given to communities in different areas, a major consideration will be the distance of communities from the centre of the country and their being confrontation areas.

"3.4 All other budgetary commitments of the State of Israel, vis-à-vis the implementation of housing, infrastructure and development starts in areas of Judea, Samaria and Gaza will be re-examined, in accordance with criteria detailed in the guidelines – in articles 3.2 and 3.3 above; according to budgetary ability, and; with consideration of the legal situation.

"4. JERUSALEM

"United Jerusalem – the eternal capital of Israel – will remain united and totally under Israeli sovereignty.

"Free access to the holy places will be ensured for members of all religions at all times, and freedom of religion will be guaranteed.

"5. IMMIGRATION ABSORPTION

"5.1 The Government will work toward the absorption of the immigration which has arrived in Israel, via the creation of social, economic and spiritual conditions for the realization of the central purpose of the State of Israel – the ingathering of the exiles of the Jewish people in its homeland.

"5.2 The Government will ensure that the 'absorption basket' and other forms of aid to immigrants will be of an appropriate level that will guarantee immigrants their basic necessities during the most difficult first period.  The Government will take particular care of weak groups among the immigrants, such as pensioners.  The Government will diligently enforce the social laws which protect the rights of immigrants.

"5.3 The Government will work toward the resumption of the immigration from Russia and from other countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States, and toward its increase.

"5.4 The Government will increase the effort toward the completion of the immigration of Ethiopian Jewry, and toward their complete economic and social absorption.

"5.5 The Government will continue the efforts to rescue persecuted Jews, bring them to a safe haven and realize their right to immigrate to Israel.

"5.6 The Government views the phenomenon of emigration from Israel – and particularly among the young generation – as a negative and damaging phenomenon, and will work toward its prevention.

"…

"10. SETTLEMENT

"10.1 The Government regards settlement in all its forms, as an undertaking of crucial value, to be consolidated and strengthened.  The Government will adopt an agricultural and economic policy which will re-enable settlement to confront the special problems it is faced with."8/

Text of a statement by President George H. Bush,

Washington, D.C., 10 August 1992

On 10 August 1992, the following statement by President George H. Bush was released by the Office of the Press Secretary at the White House, at Washington, D.C.:

"We are pleased to announce that we have received positive responses from all the parties to the bilateral negotiations in the Arab-Israeli peace process to attend the sixth round of talks, which will commence in Washington on August 24.

"The United States and Russia, as co-sponsors, welcome this opportunity for the parties to engage in substantive negotiations and to make real progress during this round.

"The United States is prepared to continue to play its role as a driving force, catalyst, and honest broker to promote progress in these negotiations."9/

Remarks by President George H. Bush and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin,Kennebunkport, Maine, 11 August 1992

During a joint press conference, held on 11 August 1992, at Kennebunkport, Maine, President George H. Bush and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin explained their countries' positions with regard to the Arab-Israeli peace negotiations:

President Bush

"…

"Now, we reviewed a great many issues, often in considerable depth, and I want to begin with the peace process.  I will let the Prime Minister obviously speak for himself, but I do not think he would object to my saying that we agree 100 per cent that our goal goes beyond that of ending the state of war.  What we seek is real peace, codified by treaties, [and] characterized by reconciliation and openness, including trade and tourism.  And it must be comprehensive peace on all fronts, grounded in UN Security Council resolutions 242 and 338, borne of direct negotiations.

"Two weeks from now in Washington, representatives of Israel, along with those of the Palestinians, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon, will resume direct negotiations launched in Madrid last October.  And I am optimistic that these talks are about to enter a new, more productive phase.

"Prime Minister Rabin has persuaded me that Israel's new Government is committed to making these talks succeed.  And I call upon the Arab parties to respond in kind.  The time has come to make peace, not simply talk of it.

"We also spent time discussing the region at large.  It is tragic that so much of the history of the Middle East is measured by wars.  It's a crime to waste so much of the area's resources – human and material alike – in preparing for wars or waging them.  And it is time these resources were committed to meeting the needs of people.  We thus committed ourselves to work to stem the proliferation of conventional arms as well as weapons of mass destruction.  And we agreed to work together on behalf of the multilateral process begun in Moscow earlier this year to promote progress between Israel and her neighbours on issues ranging from water, the environment, economic development, to refugees and security."10/

Prime Minister Rabin

"…

"We continue to support a determined policy toward still-existing dangers.  We are committed together, Mr. President, to the pursuit of peace in our region.  The new Government in Israel, which I'm privileged to head, will do its utmost to promote the peace-making efforts begun and co-sponsored by the United States under the Madrid framework.  This framework has been structured to a great extent on the basis of the Camp David accords and took into consideration many of Israel's desires.

"On our part, we shall do our best to inject new momentum to the negotiations, both in the bilateral and the multilateral spheres.  We shall do so as much as we can on a continued basis while, of course, scrupulously preserving Israel's security against all threats.

"We will be glad to attend the coming round of the bilateral negotiations in Washington later this month and through much of the next months.  We look forward to fruitful negotiations with the Jordanian-Palestinian delegation as well as with the Syrian and the Lebanese delegation.  It is our hope that our counterparts will share our goodwill and openness.  The chances for a better, peaceful future are there.  Let us all take advantage of them.  We also look forward to the multilateral negotiation starting anew in September."10/

*    *    *

Notes

1. United States Department of State Dispatch, June 8, 1992, Vol. 3, No. 23, pp. 444-447.

2. Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily Report: Near East and South Asia, No. FBIS-NES-92-107,  3 June 1992, p. 32.

3. Ibid., FBIS-NES-92-111, 9 June 1992, pp. 9-10.

4. FBIS-NES-92-110, 8 June 1992, pp. 3-4.

5. United States Department of State Dispatch, June 29, 1992, Vol. 3, No. 26, pp. 514-515.

6. Ibid., August 1992, Vol. 3, No. 5, p. 8.

7. FBIS-NES-92-135, 14 July 1992, pp. 24-25, 30-31.

8. FBIS-NES-92-137, 16 July 1992, pp. 33-34, 36-37.

9. United States Department of State Dispatch, August 17, 1992, Vol. 3, No. 33, p. 660.

10. Ibid., pp. 644-645.