Economic and Social Repercussions of the Israeli Occupation, Situation of and Assistance to Palestinian Women – ECOSOC Debate, Vote on Draft Resolutions – (E/2022/SR.34) Summary Record (Excerpts)

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Agenda item 16: Economic and social repercussions of the Israeli occupation on the living conditions of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and the Arab population in the occupied Syrian Golan (A/77/90-E/2022/66; E/2022/L.16 and E/2022/L.18)

73. Mr. Alami (Director, Emerging and Conflict-related Issues Division, Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (ESCWA)), speaking via video link to introduce the note by the Secretary-General on the economic and social repercussions of the Israeli occupation on the living conditions of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and of the Arab population in the occupied Syrian Golan (A/77/90-E/2022/66), said that, during the reporting period, the policies and practices of Israel had raised concerns about many aspects of the protracted occupation, which had had a severe humanitarian, economic, social and political impact on Palestinians’ ability to exercise their fundamental rights. Israel had intensified its repression of dissent by Palestinians, and had targeted organizations that sought accountability for Israeli violations of international law or accused Israel of apartheid.
74. Despite its obligations under international law, Israel had escalated its use of force against Palestinians, including unwarranted force amounting to arbitrary deprivation of life, coupled with a lack of accountability. The May 2021 military escalation against Gaza had resulted in many civilian deaths and injuries, and extensive destruction of civilian infrastructure, despite the obligation of Israel, under international humanitarian law, to abide by the principles of distinction and proportionality. In the West Bank, Israel had failed to protect Palestinians from settler violence, which had reached its highest level since 2017, or to hold perpetrators accountable. On the contrary, Israeli security and military personnel appeared to be complicit in many of the attacks. The arrest, incarceration and arbitrary detention of thousands of Palestinians continued. Hundreds were held in administrative detention, without charge or trial, for an indefinite period, with documented cases of torture and ill-treatment of detainees, including children.
75. The policies and practices of Israel in Area C and East Jerusalem had created a coercive environment that compelled Palestinians to leave their homes in what could amount to forcible transfer. The demolition of Palestinian homes and other structures, including those funded by donors, as well as the consequent displacement of Palestinians, had continued, often as a result of settlement expansion plans. Israel had continued its settlement expansion policies, in what amounted to the transfer of its population into an occupied territory, in violation of international humanitarian law. Punitive demolitions of the homes of families and neighbours of Palestinians suspected of carrying out attacks amounted to collective punishment, which was also prohibited under international humanitarian law. In Gaza, around 16,250 housing and commercial units had been damaged during the May 2021 escalation, aggravating the housing shortage in one of the most densely populated areas in the world.
76. Israeli restrictions on movement in the Occupied Palestinian Territory had continued to disrupt Palestinians’ daily life, affecting their rights to work, an adequate standard of living, education and health. The 15-year blockade of Gaza amounted to the collective punishment of more than 2.1 million Palestinians, worsening their living conditions and impeding development and reconstruction.
77. Israeli policies deprived Palestinians of access to their own natural resources, to the benefit of Israeli settlements and industries. As a result, the average daily consumption of an Israeli settler was four times that of a Palestinian. Israeli authorities diverted water resources to settlements at the expense of Palestinians, including by seizing wells and blocking Palestinian access to, or destroying, natural water resources. The main water source of Gaza had been depleted and its water was unfit for human consumption. Israel prevented Palestinians from using over two thirds of the West Bank’s agricultural resources and 35 per cent of Gaza’s farmland. Israel was exploiting the West Bank’s mineral resources, which were worth $30 billion, and had not issued quarrying permits for Palestinian companies since 1994. Israel had also severely curtailed the access of Palestinians to energy reserves located in Palestinian territory and coastal waters, including an estimated 1.5 billion barrels of oil reserves in the West Bank and natural gas deposits worth $2.57 billion off the Gaza coast.
78. In 2022, approximately 2.1 million Palestinians, including three quarters of the population of Gaza, were in need of humanitarian assistance. The situation had been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, the decline in external funding and the May 2021 escalation. Israeli policies and practices had stripped the Palestinian economy of vital elements, and the productive base had continued to shrink. The May 2021 escalation had resulted in the destruction of about 2 per cent of Gaza’s capital stock, and approximately 8,000 households were expected to fall into poverty within months. The per capita gross domestic product of Gaza was 52 per cent lower than in 2005. Unemployment in the Occupied Palestinian Territory was 26 per cent, with hyper-unemployment in Gaza, at 47 per cent. Unemployment among women was 43 per cent, almost twice as high as among men. The number of food-insecure people had increased across the Occupied Palestinian Territory to 2 million in early 2021, from 1.7 million in 2018.
79. The Palestinian health-care system was fragile and disconnected. It was undergoing de-development and lacked human, financial and material resources, which severely impaired its capacity to cope with the COVID‑19 pandemic. The occupation had affected education and infrastructure, with compounded and specific effects on women and girls.
80. The Israeli annexation of, and active support for settlement activity in, the occupied Syrian Golan violated international law. Syrians in the Golan suffered from discriminatory policies designed to benefit Israeli settlers at their expense, particularly in land and water allocation, planning and zoning, and demining. The policies had resulted in harsh economic and social conditions, which were expected to worsen as a result of new Israeli projects and plans.
81. The deterioration of the situation since the end of the reporting period had reinforced the Secretary-General’s conclusions regarding the detrimental effects of the Israeli occupation on the living conditions of Palestinians and Syrians, and on development prospects in the occupied territories. Current trends and persistent Israeli policies rendered the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals and the establishment of a viable Palestinian State almost impossible. The occupation had led to de-development, especially in Gaza, and had resulted in a fragmented economy that was dependent on Israel and foreign aid. Many of the policies ran counter to international law. Some were discriminatory, while others might amount to forcible transfer and collective punishment. Adherence to international law was an imperative in order to ensure that no party enjoyed impunity, and to secure justice and peace for all those living in the region.
82. Ms. Korac (United States of America) said that the United States was concerned about pronounced anti-Israel bias at the United Nations. Such bias was evident in the one-sided report and recommendations contained in the note by the Secretary-General, which did nothing to advance a more secure, peaceful and prosperous future for Palestinians and Israelis. In the unbalanced report and related draft resolutions, Israel was unfairly singled out in a forum that was not intended to be politicized. The United States shared with many members of the international community the goal of lasting and comprehensive peace between Israel and the Palestinians, and would work towards a more peaceful, secure and prosperous future for the people of the Middle East. It was committed to a two-State solution and the idea that Israelis and Palestinians deserved equal measures of security, prosperity and dignity. Reports and draft resolutions that were as consistently biased and counterproductive as those currently before the Council were a distraction from its critical work. They did nothing to promote peace or improve the situation for Israelis and Palestinians. The United States would vote against the draft resolutions related to the report.
83. Mr. Nayyal (Observer for the Syrian Arab Republic) said that his delegation welcomed the report contained in the note by the Secretary-General, in which ESCWA had reaffirmed that the protracted Israeli occupation of the Syrian Golan and the Palestinian territories adversely affected their social and economic development, and the future of their inhabitants. Israel, the occupying Power, was pursuing policies and practices that contravened relevant Security Council resolutions, international humanitarian law and international human rights law. In recent years, the Israeli occupying authorities had significantly increased the number of settlers in the occupied Syrian Golan by offering Israelis incentives to reside there, including land for housing and commercial agricultural development, and large financial incentives. His Government condemned those acts; all settlements in the occupied Syrian Golan were illegal under international law. Moreover, the expansion of settlements and the related Israeli commercial activity adversely affected the health, environment and agricultural activities of Syrian citizens in the area.
84. His delegation deplored the occupying Power’s expropriation of land, including land owned by displaced Syrian Arabs, and of natural resources in the occupied Syrian Golan. Lands were expropriated in order to lay mines near the ceasefire line, for military purposes and to build settlements and agricultural and industrial facilities, and areas were fenced off under the pretext of placing them at the disposal of the Israel Nature and Parks Authority. His delegation also deplored the steps taken by the occupying Power to implement a wind-turbine project that would harm the livelihoods of Syrians and expose them to health and environmental risks. His Government condemned the illegal settlement policies of Israel, the occupying power, in the occupied Syrian Golan and the Occupied Palestinian Territory. It also condemned the discriminatory practices of the occupation, particularly with regard to access to land and water, and reiterated the need for the root causes of the problems to be addressed through the implementation of the United Nations resolutions on ending the protracted Israeli occupation.
85. Ms. Abdelhady-Nasser (Observer for the State of Palestine) said that, every year, the Council became more ambitious in its efforts to make sustainable development a fundamental human right; if the international community wished to implement the 2030 Agenda, future generations must be at the centre of sustainable development, with no one left behind. Each year, however, millions of people in occupied Palestine, including East Jerusalem, were denied their right to development because of a colonial foreign occupation. Deprived of the right to self-determination, which was essential to the enjoyment of all other human rights, they were enduring a grave injustice that had no place in the twenty-first century.
86. The illegal 55-year foreign occupation of Palestinian land by Israel had cemented a systematic denial of human rights that precluded sustainable development and had suppressed Palestinians’ human potential for generations. From mass dispossession and displacement to colonialism and apartheid, the Palestinian people’s developmental capacities were being severely constrained and their economic and social conditions undermined by the longest foreign occupation in modern history.
87. Development in Palestine was directly hindered, obstructed and under assault owing to the illegal Israeli occupation. Land was regularly appropriated, settlements were incessantly constructed and natural resources were heavily exploited. Movement restrictions were unjustly imposed, including through a suffocating 15-year blockade that had transformed the Gaza Strip into the world’s largest open-air prison and had inflicted a dire humanitarian crisis. Homes, schools and livelihood structures were repeatedly demolished. Access to education and health care was severely impeded. Fundamental freedoms were violently repressed. Women and children were aggressively targeted by the occupying forces, including settlers. Thousands of young people and other civilians were arbitrarily detained and imprisoned. Families and entire communities were forcibly displaced and dispossessed, and the lives of consecutive generations were wilfully destroyed.
88. That dark reality was designed to impose coercive and untenable living conditions in order to undermine the presence of Palestinians in their land. Those conditions made true development impossible, let alone the universal goal of living a safe, stable and dignified life. Sustainable development in Palestine could not be achieved without an end to the illegal foreign occupation, which violated all the Palestinian people’s rights and obstructed its development and prosperity.
89. While thanking the international community for its long-standing solidarity with Palestine, she appealed to States and organizations to uphold their legal obligations to help the Palestinian people to realize its inalienable right to self-determination and other human rights, including the right to development. Doing so would require serious efforts to establish accountability in order to end violations and the illegal occupation.
90. The Palestinian women’s movement was one of the oldest in the region and beyond, having fought on the national and social fronts to achieve freedom and dignity since its establishment more than a century previously. Palestinian women faced many hardships but strove to be resilient and sustain their nation. They needed the Council’s solidarity. In draft resolution E/2022/L.18, on the situation of and assistance to Palestinian women, the obstacles facing them and the obligations that needed to be upheld were addressed, starting with the most fundamental obligation, that of ending the Israeli occupation; at the same time, the commitments of the State of Palestine and of the international community were acknowledged. In 2022, the murder in broad daylight of the journalist Shireen Abu Akleh had obliged the international community to discuss women leaders in the public sphere. Ms. Abu Akleh had not been the first journalist to be killed, but she could not be easily dismissed, dehumanized or blamed for her own fate. The State of Palestine urged Member States to join the call for accountability reflected in the draft resolution, so that the horrific crime did not go unpunished. The draft resolution contained a call for the protection of women as an integral part of protecting the Palestinian people. Much more should be done to spare the lives and end the suffering of Palestinians.
91. Her delegation called upon other delegations to support the draft resolutions on the economic and social repercussions of the Israeli occupation, and on the situation of and assistance to Palestinian women, as a matter of principle and as a reflection of the Council’s shared commitment to the value of life, freedom and justice, without discrimination or double standards.

Draft resolution E/2022/L.16: Economic and social repercussions of the Israeli occupation on the living conditions of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and the Arab population in the occupied Syrian Golan

92. Ms. Majeed (Observer for Pakistan), introducing the draft resolution on behalf of the Group of 77 and China, said that grave concern was expressed in the draft resolution regarding the detrimental economic and social repercussions of the prolonged Israeli occupation and associated regime on the living conditions of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Territory, including East Jerusalem, with a particular emphasis on the dire situation in the Gaza Strip, and regarding the resulting violations of their economic and social rights, including the rights to work, health, education, property, an adequate standard of living, and freedom of access and movement.
93. The occupying Power was called upon in the draft resolution to cease its construction of settlements; to cease its construction of the separation wall and to comply with the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice in that regard; to cease its destruction of homes and properties; and to cease its exploitation of natural resources in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and the Occupied Syrian Golan, in keeping with the principle of the permanent sovereignty of peoples under foreign occupation over their natural resources. Deep concern was also expressed in the draft resolution regarding the rising incidences of violence, harassment, provocation, vandalism and incitement by Israeli settlers against Palestinians, for which accountability was necessary. The situation of Palestinian prisoners and detainees, and the need for urgent attention to their plight in accordance with international law, were highlighted.
94. Appreciation was expressed in the draft resolution for the economic and humanitarian assistance being provided to the Palestinian people, and continued assistance commensurate with the increased socioeconomic and humanitarian needs was urged. All States and international organizations were encouraged to continue to actively pursue policies that ensured respect for their obligations under international law with regard to all illegal Israeli practices and measures in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem.
95. In the draft resolution, the urgency of achieving without delay an end to the Israeli occupation that had begun in 1967 and a just, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement on all tracks on the basis of the internationally recognized terms of reference was underscored, and the need for increased and renewed international efforts in that regard was reiterated. The adoption of the draft resolution would alleviate the economic and social hardships of Palestinian and Syrian civilians living under the Israeli foreign occupation, and would ultimately contribute to international efforts to end that injustice and achieve peace, in line with the Charter and international law.
96. The President said that a recorded vote had been requested on the draft resolution, which contained no programme budget implications.
97. Mr. Polzer (Czechia), speaking on behalf of the European Union and its member States in explanation of vote before the voting, said that, while the European Union would continue to support the draft resolution, the use of the term “Palestine” could not be construed as recognition of a State of Palestine and was without prejudice to the individual positions of States members of the European Union on that issue, and hence on the question of the validity of accession to the conventions and treaties mentioned therein. The European Union had not expressed a legal opinion with regard to the use of the term “forced displacement” or certain legal terms used in the draft resolution, and considered that “Palestinian Government” referred to the Palestinian Authority.
98. Mr. Erdan (Israel), speaking in explanation of vote before the voting, said that the Palestinian leadership was to blame for its people’s situation. Time after time, it chose the self-destructive path of rejecting every proposed peace plan and every attempt to renew negotiations. The deeply flawed draft resolution, which was based on a libellous ESCWA report, was presented as a catalogue of the ways in which Israel was solely responsible for the Palestinian people’s situation, but its authors had completely ignored the roots of the problem, such as the Palestinian Authority’s refusal to hold democratic elections for the previous 17 years, violent suppression of basic human rights, and support for and financing of terrorism. It was a disgrace that none of those points was mentioned in the draft resolution or the biased report. According to the Palestinian non-governmental organization (NGO) Aman, most Palestinians considered their leadership’s corruption to be the primary Palestinian issue; the word “corruption”, however, was nowhere to be found in the report or the draft resolution. Apparently, the report’s authors understood the Palestinians’ challenges in a completely different way from the Palestinian people themselves.
99. Shockingly, the existence of Hamas, the terror organization that ruled Gaza with an iron fist, was not acknowledged in the draft resolution or the report. Those present should read the Hamas charter, which would fill them with horror. His delegation requested ESCWA to undertake a complete study of the effects of Hamas’s rule on development, the economy, free speech, and the education and participation of women and girls, as well as on the minds of the very young, who were indoctrinated to hate and kill Israelis. He asked whether, despite the extensive information that was available on Gaza, the report’s authors were so blind that they had never seen or heard of Hamas.
100. The report’s authors freely relied on hearsay, while deliberately ignoring documented evidence of Palestinian aggression. For example, the phrase “escalation of hostilities in May 2021” was casually used in the report to refer to a conflict that had begun with a barrage of 4,000 rockets fired from Gaza at Israeli cities and towns; in a direct affront to the intelligence of those present, however, the word “rocket” was not mentioned.
101. The word “terrorism” was hardly mentioned in the draft resolution, while the Palestinian Authority’s financing of terror was completely ignored. Each year, the Palestinian Authority paid hundreds of millions of dollars to terrorists and their families as part of its pay-for-slay programme. The Palestinian people would benefit greatly if those funds were invested in job creation or social projects rather than used to support murder and terror. Such indifference to Palestinian responsibility could be found throughout the draft resolution and the report, and was clear evidence that ESCWA had never intended to base the report on facts. It was sickening that, year after year, ESCWA supposedly probed every aspect of Israeli-Palestinian relations but refrained from reporting on any other country’s internal conflicts.
102. The obsession of ESCWA and the Council with Israel, the only vibrant democracy in the Middle East, resulted from a desire to satisfy the political agenda of a few at the expense of the Council’s time and resources. Shifting the focus away from the true issues worsening the lives of Palestinians only aggravated their situation. Those delegations that intended to support the draft resolution should eschew political considerations and instead consider what could be achieved if the Council offered a constructive way forward. The Abraham Accords Peace Agreement, as a result of which Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco were working together for the benefit of all their citizens, was an example of what could be accomplished when States chose coexistence and the future of their peoples over conflict. He urged other delegations to reject hate by voting against the draft resolution.
103. A recorded vote was taken on draft resolution E/2022/L.16.

In favour:

Argentina, Austria, Bangladesh, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Botswana, Bulgaria, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo, Croatia, Czechia, Denmark, Finland, France, Greece, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Libya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mexico, Montenegro, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Oman, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Republic of Korea, Russian Federation, Thailand, Tunisia, United Republic of Tanzania, Zimbabwe.

Against:

Canada, Israel, Liberia, United States of America.

Abstaining:

Côte d’Ivoire, Guatemala, Solomon Islands, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

104. The draft resolution was adopted by 43 votes to 4, with 4 abstentions.
105. Mr. Rae (Canada) said that Canada had once again been unable to support the resolution, which lacked balance. It was incomprehensible that the authors of the report and the resolution had reached the conclusion that one country, namely, Israel, bore all the responsibility for the plight of the people of Palestine. No such conclusion had been reached by the authors of United Nations reports or resolutions on any other dispute in which the Organization had been involved. When seeking to arrive at a peaceful settlement, the first principle was to listen to and understand the many explanations of and views on the dispute in question.
106. Although Canada did not support the continuation of settlement activity, which was not conducive to a two-State solution, the matter must be approached in a truthful, fact-based way. The principle that no State, individual or organization was above the law, beyond scrutiny or criticism, or able to act with impunity was essential to resolving a conflict that had been at the forefront of the work of the Organization since 1945, before Israel had become a Member State. Research and reporting on the matter must not lead to the simple conclusion that one State was solely responsible for the situation in the region. Such a conclusion defied credibility, and the Organization must admit, following the example of many countries in the region, that a different approach was needed.
107. Mr. Elizondo Belden (Mexico) said that his delegation had voted in favour of the resolution because of the importance of the matter under consideration, which required the attention of the international community. However, the practice of introducing draft resolutions without holding open, transparent and inclusive consultations was a harmful precedent for the work of the Organization. In examining the consequences of the Israeli occupation, the Council must consider all the available data and evidence in order to make recommendations that were relevant, appropriate and in line with its mandate. All documents introduced in the Council must be based on equitable consultations among all the members, which must be given sufficient time to examine the proposals, in accordance with the principle of the legal equality of States. A dialogue among all the parties would be more fruitful than the complete absence of dialogue on the resolution just adopted. Consistency was essential to arriving at agreements, because consensus was never reached automatically and required the collective efforts of the entire Council. In future, the sponsors should follow a process that complied with those characteristics.
108. Mr. Schaare (New Zealand) said that New Zealand supported the resolution, which was consistent with its long-held policy on Israeli-Palestinian issues. New Zealand shared the concerns expressed in the resolution about social and economic conditions in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Its support for the resolution was without prejudice to its long-standing policy on recognition.
109. Ms. Abdelhady-Nasser (Observer for the State of Palestine) said that her delegation greatly appreciated Member States’ support for the resolution, which reflected undeniable facts attested to in the note by the Secretary-General containing the ESCWA report. It was grateful for Member States’ affirmations of positions of principle and expressions of solidarity with the Palestinian people; serious and responsible efforts should be made to uphold those positions, including through genuine measures of accountability for the human rights violations and war crimes perpetrated by Israel, the occupying Power, against the Palestinian people, with contempt for the United Nations and the international community as a whole.
110. It was regrettable that the Council had been subjected to the vitriol of the representative of Israel, who had shown no regard for the sovereign right of every delegation to vote according to its conscience, on the basis of the principles, obligations and commitments shared by members and observers pursuant to international law and countless United Nations resolutions. In his toxic comments, the representative of Israel had not once referred to the Israeli occupation; it was for assistance in ending that illegal, unjust and abhorrent 55-year occupation that her delegation turned to the international community year after year.
111. The State of Palestine stood ready to fulfil its responsibilities to its people and its obligations under international law, but would not consent to be demeaned, dehumanized or blamed for the injustice that its people had endured for 75 years, since the General Assembly had decided in November 1947 to partition historic Palestine. The State of Palestine would relentlessly seek to redress that injustice in order to uphold the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination and freedom, and all its other human rights.

Draft resolution E/2022/L.18: Situation of and assistance to Palestinian women

112. Ms. Majeed (Observer for Pakistan), introducing the draft resolution on behalf of the Group of 77 and China, said that the draft resolution addressed the obstacles and challenges faced by Palestinian women and girls, notably under occupation, and contained a call for continued international support for them with the aim of ensuring respect for their rights and providing them with the necessary protection and assistance.
113. Limited but significant additions had been made to the draft resolution in order to address women’s engagement in the political and social spheres and ensure that they were afforded the protection to which they were entitled, in particular women leaders and women active in the public sphere, civil society actors, and journalists, especially in the context of the horrific killing of Ms. Abu Akleh, a household name in Palestine and the Arab world, who had dedicated her life to shedding light on the suffering and struggle of her people and giving voice to the voiceless, speaking on behalf of victims until the day on which she had become one of them. The draft resolution stressed the need to ensure accountability promptly in that regard.
114. The draft resolution reaffirmed that the Israeli occupation remained a major obstacle for Palestinian women and girls with regard to the fulfilment of their rights and their advancement. Israel, the occupying Power, was therefore called upon to immediately cease all measures contrary to international law, as well as discriminatory legislation, policies and actions in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem, that violated the human rights of the Palestinian people.
115. In the draft resolution, the parties were called upon to comply fully with their obligations, including as States parties to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, and under international humanitarian law and international human rights law. The draft resolution stressed the need to ensure accountability and end impunity.
116. The draft resolution also reaffirmed the importance of increasing the role of women in peacebuilding and decision-making, and stressed the importance of women’s equal participation and involvement in all efforts for the achievement, maintenance and promotion of peace and security. It welcomed the adoption by the Palestinian Government of a national action plan for the implementation of Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) as well as of initiatives at the legislative, administrative and security levels to advance women’s rights, notably in relation to family law and combating violence against women.
117. The international community was urged to continue to give special attention to the promotion and protection of the human rights of Palestinian women and girls, and to intensify its measures to improve the difficult conditions faced by Palestinian women and their families, including those living under Israeli occupation and Palestine refugees, as well as to continue to provide them with urgently needed assistance.
118. Her delegation looked forward to the adoption of the draft resolution, which addressed the obstacles faced by Palestinian women, recognized their rights, and identified the means and support necessary to uphold those rights in line with the repeated commitments of the United Nations to advance women’s rights worldwide, and with international law.
119. The President said that the draft resolution contained no programme budget implications.
120. Ms. Shapir Ben Naftaly (Israel) said that the draft resolution, like many others whose authors claimed to deal with aspects of Palestinian-Israeli relations, was unbalanced, politically motivated and factually disconnected. It was, once again, a use of the United Nations to promote a reductive and destructive political agenda, instead of adopting a constructive approach towards a better future for the women (and men) of the Middle East. In fact, it did nothing to help Palestinian women and girls to claim their equal rights. By targeting Israel, it served only as political manipulation aimed at avoiding any self-reflection by the Palestinians.
121. The annual reports of the Secretary-General on the situation of and assistance to Palestinian women contained explicit evidence of gender-based discrimination in Palestinian society, including violence against women, discrimination in the workplace and in education, economic dependency, lack of access to justice and education, inequality in the laws of marriage, divorce and inheritance, and limited access to sexual and reproductive health and rights. None of those issues, however, were mentioned in the draft resolution, whose authors focused solely on Israel as the only obstacle to improving the status of Palestinian women and girls. The reality was quite different. It was a reality of a deeply rooted male-dominated culture in which the participation of women and girls in the public sphere was limited, and in which social norms often dictated that the education of boys was given priority over that of girls. The disparity between men’s and women’s participation in the labour market was enormous. Another cause for concern was that one in seven Palestinian girls was forced to marry by the age of 17. She asked whether that information was of any importance to the authors of the draft resolution. Those disparities and limitations were to be dealt with within Palestinian society. As long as critical attention was not drawn to the situation, it would not change.
122. Women and girls in Gaza were ruled by the regressive and repressive terrorist organization Hamas; 40 per cent of them lived under conditions that were even worse than those of other Palestinian women and girls. Unsurprisingly, however, the authors of the draft resolution preferred to condemn Israel rather than Hamas.
123. The draft resolution was the only resolution on the status of women that was not global, but was instead focused on a specific group. Delegations that supported the draft resolution would send a message to women in difficult places around the world who lacked any rights and suffered from a deteriorating situation in terms of education, health and the most basic protections. The message would be that such women did not deserve the attention received by others. That situation was yet another example of the ways in which the Palestinians exploited and politicized resolutions at the expense of those who were in dire need of the Organization’s resources.
124. In considering the draft resolution, delegations should ask themselves whether its adoption would bring Palestinian women any closer to dignity, safety and equality, or whether it would in fact prevent any improvement, as its authors had clearly avoided focusing on the real changes needed within Palestinian society and culture. Perhaps by acknowledging the damage the draft resolution did to the cause of gender equality and the empowerment of Palestinian women, the Council could better serve the future of Palestinian women and girls. Israel called for a vote on the draft resolution, which it would vote against. It encouraged those who valued the safety, dignity and equality of Palestinian women to do likewise.
125. A recorded vote was taken on draft resolution E/2022/L.18.

In favour:

Argentina, Bangladesh, Belgium, Belize, Benin, Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Botswana, Bulgaria, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Denmark, Finland, France, Greece, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Libya, Mauritius, Mexico, Montenegro, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Oman, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Republic of Korea, Russian Federation, Thailand, Tunisia, United Republic of Tanzania, Zimbabwe.

Against:

Canada, Czechia, Israel, Liberia, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America.

Abstaining:

Austria, Croatia, Guatemala, Solomon Islands.

126. The draft resolution was adopted by 40 votes to 6, with 4 abstentions.
127. Mr. Gibbon (United Kingdom) said that the United Kingdom was committed to advancing gender equality both domestically and internationally, but could not accept the singling-out of one country, namely, Israel, in the only geographically specific resolution with the Commission on the Status of Women.
128. Mr. Elizondo Belden (Mexico) said that Mexico had a feminist foreign policy and stood in full solidarity with Palestinian women. It had therefore voted in favour of the resolution, which, however, could have been improved in many ways. The resolution’s authors had failed to recognize women in all their diversity, which limited the public policies that could result from the exercise. In addition, the actions of all those involved in gender equality on the ground, negative social norms, and challenges in access to sexual and reproductive health were not addressed in the resolution.
129. The pandemic had disproportionately affected women and girls worldwide. Although Palestinian women were no exception, the resolution would have benefited from broader discussion, for example in the Commission on the Status of Women. If it had been possible to hold open, transparent and inclusive consultations, the Council could have gathered more complete information, provided by Governments and other United Nations agencies and programmes, to ensure that its decisions were based on data and evidence. Consistency was essential to arriving at agreements; Palestinian women deserved to benefit from the governmental agreements that had improved gender equality elsewhere in the world. In future, the sponsors should follow a process that complied with those characteristics.
130. Mr. Rae (Canada) said that Canada had voted against the resolution, although it had an active mission in Ramallah, and positive relationships on the ground with many NGOs and the Palestinian Authority in advancing the interests of women. It made financial contributions to support Palestinian women’s human and civil rights. Canada was unable to support the resolution, in which only one country, namely, Israel, was held responsible for discrimination against Palestinian women, and which therefore lacked credibility.
131. Canada was committed to advancing the human rights of Palestinian people through its work with the Palestinian Authority and NGOs that promoted the interests of women in the Palestinian territory. It was regrettable that Canada did not have the same relationship with Hamas, which, in its charter, had adopted such extremist positions as refusing to recognize the right of Israel to exist. If those positions changed, Canada would provide further assistance in Gaza; its support to the Palestine refugee communities throughout the Middle East was already substantial. No one, including the State of Israel, the Palestinian Authority, individuals, NGOs and organizations such as Hamas, was above the law or could act with impunity.
132. Through a feminist international assistance policy, Canada sought to eradicate poverty and build a more peaceful, inclusive and prosperous world. Promoting gender equality and empowering women and girls was the most effective way to achieve that goal. Canada was committed to improving the lives of Palestinian women through gender-responsive development and humanitarian assistance, and was resolute in its efforts to improve the situation of women in conflict by implementing the women and peace and security agenda. It welcomed efforts to address the situation of women and girls worldwide, but was of the view that the obligations and responsibilities of all parties to the long-running Israeli-Palestinian conflict were not addressed fairly and constructively in the resolution, in which only one party was singled out as being responsible for the discrimination faced by Palestinian women.
133. Canada advocated a fair-minded approach and rejected one-sided resolutions. It supported a two-State solution to the underlying conflict in the region; it firmly believed in the human rights and right to self-determination of Palestinians, and the right of Israelis to live with dignity and security, without fear and with their human rights respected. Canada would support constructive efforts to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, and would deal respectfully with the Palestinian delegation at the United Nations, the State of Israel and the Secretariat, even when it disagreed with them from time to time.
134. Mr. Schaare (New Zealand) said that New Zealand supported the resolution, which was consistent with its long-held policy on Israeli-Palestinian issues. New Zealand shared the concerns expressed in the resolution about social and economic conditions in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Its support for the resolution was without prejudice to its long-standing policy on recognition.

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