Secretary-General's press encounter with travelling press on board plane to Doha from Geneva
Press events | Ban Ki-moon, Former Secretary-General
Q: 1.2 million in Syria and 750,000 in Jordan?
SG: We appreciate Syria's willingness, cooperation and contribution to these Iraqi refugees and I would like to mention that, all in all, I think it is important for me to continue from my February trip to the Middle East and to contribute whatever I can. We are going to have another important meeting, which will be the international compact for Iraq in Sharm El Sheikh. I will be co-chairing with Prime Minister [Nuri al-]Maliki of Iraq. That meeting will be followed by an expanded ministerial meeting where the foreign ministers of regional countries and P5 and G8 will all attend. That will be a continuation, follow-up meeting of the vice-ministerial meeting that was held on March 10th in Baghdad.
Q: Are you hopeful that the Syrians could be persuaded to influence the Iranians both over the issue of Iraq, and also over the nuclear issue - having the Syrians to have a dialogue with Iraq to help bring Iran more into the fold?
SG: I will discuss all these matters with the Syrian President to see how they can play constructively. They have some influence and they are one of the important regional players, so it is better to have them engaged in all of this process, including the overall Middle East process, and particularly the situation in Lebanon and also, vis a vis, in relation to the Iranian case and Iraqi situation.
Q: Meeting Assad twice in a month means that you are optimistic in continuing to meet with him?
SG: I am not sure whether I can tell you optimistic. This is what I believe I should do as Secretary-General, continue continuously meeting every player, all the players. When I had meetings with Arab and Israeli leaders that really helped. First of all, on my part to appreciate and understand all the difficulties and challenges of each and every player. I really did my best to ask each and every player to do whatever they can so that through all these efforts combined we can find some common denominators on the basis of which we can build up.
Q: Do you have any indication from Damascus that they are willing to work with the UN on 1701, I mean have they indicated that they will use their influence in Lebanon or will support a tribunal?
SG: They say that they are not related to this special tribunal issues and they deny again all these arms smuggling issues and all the security issues. This is their position. But there are other assessments for the international community and I would like to have a very candid exchange of views and ask whatever he can contribute to this effort.
Q: Are you in contact with [UN Legal Counsel] Nicholas Michel in Lebanon, how is he doing?
SG: He just returned from his trip to Lebanon. I spoke with him for a long time over the phone this morning and I got a full report from him. He is still not optimistic. He did his best to urge and convince Lebanese leaders and also offered his professional and legal technical assistance to the Lebanese leaders.
Q: So, if he is not optimistic and he is going to report this to the Security Council, as we understand, that leaves you with what alternative?
SG: I think he will make a report. At this time I would like to make one clarification. There was one report which misquoted him; this was an AFP report yesterday, based on local daily newspapers in Lebanon. [Nicholas Michel was misquoted]. He was quoted as having said there is no other way than to refer this matter to the Chapter VII of the Charter to the Security Council. He has never said that. I am not quite sure why this has been reported. Another newspaper, also this morning, also reported that he had denied it. So, I hope there should be no misunderstanding on your part about the position of the UN at this time, the Secretariat particularly.
Q: Are you saying that there is another course besides, if the Lebanese do not ratify it through the Parliament? You are saying there is another course other than the Security Council?
SG: What I mean is that the quotations he allegedly said are not true. The most desirable path is for the Lebanese people to take their own constitutional. In the absence of that, that should be left for a decision of the Security Council, what kind of measures they will take.
Q: May I ask you about Israel and Syria? Could you envisage to help and set up a direct or indirect channel between the two countries, especially about the Golan Heights?
SG: I am going to visit UNDOF in the Golan Heights during my visit to Syria. I will try to see what I can do, but I am not in a position to say anything further than that.
Q: But you are going to try?
SG: I am doing my best in whatever I can to facilitate all this dialogue.
Q: Will you talk about the Shaba'a Farms?
SG: We are making progress in terms of cartography work. My senior cartographer is on the ground [and] has reported he is making good progress. And I hope we will be able to make a report by the end of June.
Q: You are on your way to Qatar. What are you expecting to do there?
SG: Qatar is going to convene an important international conference on democracy, free trade, development. Those three issues are what the United Nations are working for democracy in the region, as well as worldwide. There are many countries still in transition to democracy, therefore holding this conference on democracy in this region means some symbolism, politically. We hope that there will be a further promotion of democracy all around the world, including in the Middle East. And on free trade, we are very much frustrated by the level of progress for the Doha Round. I had a meeting with Mr. Pascal Lamy, the Director-General of WTO, yesterday. He made a good contribution during our retreat of the CEB [Chief Executives Board]. And I had a bilateral meeting with him. He briefed me about his own plans, initiatives. As you may know, he initiated in early February the resumption of the Doha Round. As I am going to Doha, which was the original place of this round, it has some symbolism. So, in my speech, I am going to emphasize progress in the Doha Round as soon as possible. The failure of the Doha Round may mean a failure of multilateralism and have a very much negative impact on world trade, particularly on developing countries. We would like to really see the success of this Doha Round as soon as possible. This is one point I would like to emphasize in Doha, of course, emphasize further promotion of democracy and free trade. We also hope for the Iraqi people must be able to enjoy genuine freedom and democracy, therefore I have initiated a compact again in New York. There is going to be an official launch, an international compact. This is what the United Nations has been taking with the initiative.
Q: Sir, you are meeting with the Emir. Do you expect him to take, in particular, any leading role in this, in the Middle East, or using their weight or resources?
SG: Qatar has also been playing a very constructive role, a member of the Security Council, non-permanent, and Qatar has achieved much democratic process. Qatar can show some examples, models to other countries in the region and many other countries in transition to democracy. This is what I am going to discuss with him.
Q: Are you going to ask him to get more involved with some of the processes that are going on now? Is the proposal from the Arab League toward Israel, or any of the other?
SG: This Arab peace initiative, I think is a very important one, and I am encouraged that Arab leaders are determined to look at this issue again, re-visit this issue. When I was in Riyadh and in Israel, I advised both leaders of Israel and Arab [countries] to work on this Arab peace initiative. I know that there are some elements to which Iraq is very much opposed, that is the right of return of refugees, and there are also some elements which Israel has accepted from their position. We hope that the Arab leaders and Israeli leaders would build upon this Arab peace initiative.
Q: But do you really believe that an Israeli government, which many describe as a weak government for the time being, can make peace?
SG: Well, I won't comment anything about domestic matters?
Q: The UN is placing an ultimatum on the Taliban. Do you believe in negotiating with the kidnapper?
SG: This is a very difficult issue. I know that there are many very difficult situations and circumstances. I am not in a position to advise any member State, any country, to do this or that. This is something which a concerned country should do based on generally accepted rules and principles in dealing with those kidnappers.
Q: Do you believe there must be general rules that everyone must obey with or not, that doesn't exist now?
SG: It doesn't exist. It would be desirable that the international community by the initiative of any country would engage in to discuss the general rules and principles and the rules of engagement on this matter.
Q: I would like to ask you on Darfur. Yesterday you told us that you met with a Saudi King and you talked with him about Darfur. So, since you are going to meet Arab officials on this trip now, are you going to address the Darfur issue with them as well in Qatar and in Damascus, or doesn't this play any role in your talks?
SG: Many Arab countries are most interested, and they are also stakeholders, and they are also very much interested in seeing an early resolution of the Darfur situation. One of my main ideas when meeting with Arab leaders was that Arab leaders should also do their own role in resolving the Darfur issue. Mainly the United Nations and African Union have been discussing this matter with the Sudanese Government. As Sudan is an African and, at the same time, and Arab country, I really urge Arab leaders on the political process Arab leaders should take part and convince the Sudanese Government. I think this is what they did. And my urging, when I met President Mubarak of Egypt, the King of Saudi Arabia, the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States, Amr Moussa, I emphasized this point and I was very much appreciative of the Saudi King's initiative to convene a small summit-level meeting, which really helped for us to make common ground on the basis of which we made some progress.
What am I am going to do from now? We have already started preparing for the heavy support package. The Security Council has authorized us to make necessary preparations this week. We are now already talking about financial supplies with the help of the comptroller. We have already started our contact with possible troop contributing countries. On the basis of this, I am now moving towards the third phase, negotiations for the third phase, which will be the deployment of hybrid AU-UN forces in Darfur. Again, on the political process, we are now stepping up, strengthening this political process. My special envoy, Mr. Jan Eliasson, and the AU special envoy, Mr. Salim A. Salim, are in the region now. They are going to discuss from the day after tomorrow on how to expedite this political process. We almost have completed the first of the political process, but there were some remaining rebel leaders who have not joined this. And after having joined them, we are going to proceed to the second and third phases.
Q: Mr. Secretary-General, having made this point, do you think the possibility of all sanctions being talked about by the United States and Britain be a help or hindrance to - gives back up to what we're doing to make sure the Sudanese Government doesn't go back on its decision. Do you think it might be a bit counterproductive?
SG: Two things. I know that the patience level of the international community is running down and down. I fully understand. It's not that I do not understand all this international community's positions.
Q: But after Sudan announced it would accept the heavy package, with Tony Blair saying his ambassador will discuss a sanctions resolution in the Security Council, [President] Bush is threatening as well?
SG: This is exactly what I discussed with the Americans and British on these possible sanctions issues. As I publicly said during my press stakeout, I think a couple of weeks ago, when I talked to Council members, and I know that you are frustrated. But at this time while the political process is still going on, and because I think I made quick discussions with the Sudanese President in Riyadh, then please allow me some more time, some political space. This is what I told you during press stakeouts. I continue to have consultations with countries concerned.
Q: How much time did you buy from Washington?
SG: I am not sure.
Q: But the people on the ground, they have been waiting now for four years. How many more years shall they wait?
SG: I think the international community has been waiting too long. People have suffered too much and people have suffered too long, too long in Darfur. That is why I put this Darfur issue as number one priority. I have been in my office for less than four months and I have been trying my best efforts. This is why I really wanted to have some more time allowed to me.
Q: Somalia is number two?
SG: On the Somalia situation, again, I am gravely concerned. I have in Riyadh a mini-Summit on the Somalia situation. At that time we agreed on future course of actions, but I am very much disturbed by this set back of the situation. I am discussing this matter with the African Union and trying to find out what we can do. Again, I was very much disappointed by this postponing of the national reconciliation congress. In Riyadh I strongly insisted that this should be held as planned, but I was told there were so many political, security, technical and logistical problems to hold this meeting as scheduled. Since they have postponed this until some time in May, I really hope that they will be able to convene this meeting. At the same time, the international community should also be ready to provide some financial and material support.
Q: On the hybrid force, does the United Nations have a solution to the misunderstanding about the hybrid force? The Sudanese seem to think it's an AU force with logistical support from the UN. Talking to American and British ambassadors, they think it's a UN force with an AU force, and not just logistical, a robust UN force. Do we have notions to this misunderstanding, because otherwise we will enter a roadblock?
SG: There is a basic agreement in Abuja and Addis Ababa that there will be an AU-UN hybrid mission. The general understanding and agreement during Riyadh's mini-Summit meeting was that while main forces and priority forces should be African on the ground, we agreed, at the same time for those specialists and administrative and technical forces, should be manned by UN forces. Again, another understanding is that when Africans are not able to provide all the necessary forces their need will be augmented by the UN forces. The UN, of course, should be responsible for the logistical and financial support.
Q: How about command and control? Do you understand it's a UN or a joint command?
SG: This command and control was agreed that the force commander will be an African general; the deputy force commander will also be an African general. There needs to be some clear understanding how this command and control structures will be coordinated within that context.
Q: And the UN experts will they carry any weapons, or are they unarmed?
SG: The UN experts, when they are joining the AU, they will be the same as peacekeepers. They will be given all the same equipment and mandate as the African Union.
Q: President Bashar, do you think you can do business with him?
SG: I would not characterize my relationship with any leader, including President Bashar.
Q: How many times have you met with him?
SG: I have had three direct bilateral talks with him, and maybe three or four telephone conversations. I really hope that we could work on the basis of mutual trust. This is my sincere hope. For my part, I am going to engage on the basis of sincerity and trust and confidence. I do expect the same from him.