Secretary-General's Press Conference at the ASEAN-UN Summit in Kuala Lumpur

Ladies and gentlemen of the media,

Selamat petang. [Good afternoon.]

It is an honour to visit Malaysia and to participate in the 15th ASEAN–UN Summit.

I thank the Government and people of Malaysia for their generous welcome.

And I welcome the accession of ASEAN’s newest member, Timor-Leste.

One of the highlights of my political life was being present in 2002 when it achieved independence.

The country and its people’s inspiring journey to democracy will always hold a special place in my heart.

Ladies and gentlemen,

In a world of turmoil, Southeast Asia offers a vision of hope.

Its economies boost global growth.

Its people draw strength from diversity.

Its leadership contributes to global peace and stability.

ASEAN Member States’ contribution of 4,500 peacekeepers is just one inspiring example.

And ASEAN is a close partner of the United Nations as seen in our joint work on use of women’s empowerment, combatting transnational crime, protection of human rights, inclusive and sustainable growth and so much more.   

But global challenges weigh heavily on the region.

Deepening inequalities, rising temperatures, runaway technologies, and entrenched conflicts – they all exact a toll.

This ASEAN-UN Summit is about solutions to these challenges.

First, we need solutions for development.

With just five years to go, our blueprint for the future, the Sustainable Development Goals, is falling short.

Developing countries are not getting the level of support they need to build and strengthen the systems people require.

The root of the problem is an outdated and unfair global financial system.

The global financial architecture must be reformed so it better represents today’s world and the needs of developing countries.

Across the board, global governance must become more inclusive, representative, equitable and effective.

This means giving developing countries stronger participation in global financial institutions, including ASEAN Member States.

If you compare what the ASEAN economy is today representing in the world, the share they represent, with the shares they have in international financial institutions, there is clearly very obvious injustice.

We need also to triple the lending capacity of multilateral development banks. 

And to ease debt burdens with new instruments that reduce borrowing costs and risks and speed up support for countries facing debt distress.

Second, we need solutions for climate action.

The 1.5 degree limit is on life-support.

We are already paying the consequences of inaction.

Every fraction of a degree matters.

The stakes are perilously high for Southeast Asia, where climbing temperatures, rising sea levels and worsening storms threaten lives, livelihoods and entire communities and countries.

Next week, leaders will gather in Brazil for COP30.

By then, all countries must put forward ambitious, economy-wide national climate plans that cut emissions — including by speeding-up the transition to renewables.

Renewable energy is now faster to build and cheaper to run than fossil fuels. The fossil fuel age is coming to an end.

And when the transition is managed fairly, renewables boost growth, create jobs and build resilient economies that are less exposed to volatile fossil fuel markets.

The Just Energy Transition Partnerships, pioneered in Indonesia and Viet Nam, show how fairness and ambition can go hand in hand to power a better future. 

G-20 countries that represent 80 per cent of the emissions must lead the transition.

They must lead, but all countries must do more, in line with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities.

In Brazil, leaders must agree on a credible plan to close the gap to 1.5 degrees and mobilize $1.3 trillion annually in climate finance by 2035 for developing countries.

Developed countries must live up to their commitments – by doubling finance for adaptation to at least $40 billion this year, and capitalizing the Loss and Damage Fund with significant contributions.

Third, we need solutions for digital transformation.

With the right guardrails in place, we can ensure that breakthroughs in groundbreaking technologies like artificial intelligence accelerate sustainable development and inclusion.

Last month, we launched the Global Dialogue on AI Governance in the UN.

It aims for a digital future that is safe, open and inclusive – with AI systems grounded in international law, human rights and effective oversight.

I have also asked for candidates – from all regions and disciplines – for the UN-based International Independent Scientific Panel on AI.

This group of 40 experts will regularly provide independent insights into the opportunities, risks and impacts associated with AI.

I have also proposed the creation of a global fund for AI, supported by a network of regional and national AI Centres, to help countries build the skills, infrastructure, and institutional capacity needed to harness AI responsibly.

Together, these three pillars – the Panel, the Dialogue, and Capacity-building – are an important contribution to a new global architecture for governing AI.

We must also tackle transnational organized crime – especially cyber-trafficking and scam centres.

I was just in Hanoi for the signing of the Cybercrime Convention, a new global treaty to protect people in the digital world.

I welcome ASEAN’s support in ratifying and implementing this landmark accord.

Finally, and urgently, we need solutions for peace.

I commend ASEAN’s efforts to ease tensions in the South China Sea by accelerating negotiations on a Code of Conduct and I applaud Malaysia’s role in facilitating a ceasefire between Cambodia and Thailand, pointing the way to the peaceful settlement of the dispute.

But I am appalled by the deplorable situation in Myanmar.

The military takeover in 2021 has piled calamity upon calamity.

Villages bombed or burned.

Thousands killed.

Millions displaced.

Regional stability at risk.

A military attacking the civilians it’s meant to protect.

And now the spectre of elections within an active conflict.

The atrocities and the cycle of impunity must end.

I reiterate my call for an immediate end to the violence;

A genuine commitment to inclusive dialogue;

And a credible path back to civilian rule – starting with the swift release of all those arbitrarily detained.

The United Nations fully supports the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus.

I welcome strengthened cooperation between my Special Envoy, Julie Bishop, with her ASEAN counterpart.

And I applaud ASEAN’s commitment to providing humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar.

The way forward must lead to a restoration of democracy - institutions anchored in the rule of law and human rights;

Guarantee safety, justice, and opportunity for all;

And address the root causes of persecution, disenfranchisement, and conflict.

Crucially, it must include the Rohingya people.

They have waited too long for peace. Too long for democracy. Too long for the world’s solidarity.

Last month’s high-level conference in New York brought renewed expressions of support for Rohingya and host communities and renewed interest in finding solutions.

I call on all sides to set aside political agendas, prioritize the rights of the people of Myanmar, uphold international law, protect civilians, and allow unhindered humanitarian access.

It’s time to open humanitarian channels, end the violence, and facilitate a comprehensive political solution.

The people of Myanmar are counting on our collective support.

Let’s deliver it. 

Ladies and gentlemen of the media,

Across these challenges, ASEAN can light the way forward.

The United Nations is proud to be ASEAN’s partner as we work to ensure a better, more peaceful future for people across the region and around the world. 

And I thank you.

***

Question: Good afternoon. This is Joseph Sipalan from the South China Morning Post. Just following up on the point you raised on Myanmar. As you mentioned, they're planning to hold an election in December, which will likely exclude more than half the country and tens of millions of voters who are in conflict areas. What is the UN's position on it, and what would you suggest ASEAN do? Would you suggest that they do what they can to stop the elections until Myanmar meets the five-point consensus. Thank you. 

Secretary-General: I don't think anybody believes that those elections will be free and fair. I don't think anybody believes those elections will contribute to the solution of the problems of Myanmar. I think this is the moment in which we need to increase humanitarian assistance, to stop the violence, and at the same time to pave the way for a political evolution leading to civilian rule and to respect for a constitutional form of government. 

Question: I'm [inaudible] from Phoenix TV, and I have two questions. First [...] China and the United States held their first trade talks in Kuala Lumpur during the summit. And this is the first time there are talks on trade in Asia country. And yesterday, it reached some consensus. So, what's its significance for stabilizing the global economy? And how do you view the United States add tariffs to global countries? And the second question is about the United Nations. You proposed cutting 18.8 per cent of staff in 2026 to tackle the financial crisis of the United Nations. So, will this weaken the United Nations' capability, and how to avoid cost cutting leading to incapability? Thank you.  

Secretary-General: I am a strong defender of free and fair trade. Trade wars do not benefit anybody. Nobody wins with trade wars. And I think that the present restrictions on trade are having a negative impact on the global economy and a negative impact essentially on developing countries. So, I hope that any trade negotiation that takes place is successful and contributes to establish a regime in which trade is a facilitator of development instead of an obstacle to development.  

The second question. We are not reforming the UN because of the liquidity crisis that is largely due to the reduction of payments from one main contributor, the United States. What we are doing is recognizing that we can improve, that we can be more efficient, more cost-effective, more able to provide in full respect of our mandates to the people we care for in a more efficient way. We are doing a number of reforms, making the Organization leaner but more effective. And that is the reason why there will be a number of reductions of positions in the Secretariat, but not the same everywhere. And in particular, everything that relates to support to developing countries on the field in order for them to be able to overcome the present difficulties will not be reduced, on the contrary, will be increased. 

Question: Mr. Guterres. Isabel from AFP. Do you have any updates on Sudan's El-Fasher after paramilitary RSF claimed to have taken control of the city? 

Secretary-General: This represents a terrible escalation in the conflict. And I think it's high time for the international community to talk clearly to all countries that are interfering in this war and that are providing weapons to the parties to the war to stop doing that. Because the level of suffering that we are witnessing in Sudan is unbearable. And it is clear that we have not only a Sudanese problem with the army and the rapid support forces fighting each other, we have more and more an external interference that undermines the possibility to a ceasefire and to a political solution to the problem. 

Question: My name is [inaudible] and I'm from [inaudible]. Referring to your earlier remarks on the situation in Myanmar and the call for free and fair elections. So may I ask, how long will the United Nations continue to only urge or call for action? And when will concrete measures be taken to ensure accountability and real progress? Thank you, sir. [...] We only heard about: we urge, we urge, we urge. So, who will be responsible for the action? Is it ASEAN or how can you influence ASEAN to take action [...]?  

Secretary-General: Well, the Human Rights Council has just decided the creation of a mechanism of investigation in relation to Myanmar. And I believe that this can become an important instrument of accountability. 

Question: Mr. Secretary General, it's good to have you here again this week. [Inaudible], I'm from Shanghai Media Group. This is a question about economy. Asean has made very good progress in fostering a regional economy, and everybody can see that through initiatives like RCEP, right? But however, challenges remain, especially in those agreements, how to change, translate these agreements into such benefits for, tangible benefits for all citizens. So from your perspective, what can we do? 

[...] 

Secretary-General: I think that agreements that improve trade, that improve economic cooperation are always positive. But let's have no illusions. There will only be justice and equity; there will only be the chance for developing countries to be able to overcome the present difficulties if there is an in-depth reform of international financial institutions. It is absolutely essential to have, in the organizations that run the global finance, the Bretton Woods system, other international similar institutions, it's absolutely essential that there is a participation of the developing countries, that it is much bigger. That the voice of developing countries is much more strongly heard in the decision-making processes, and that much more resources are made available for debt relief, for concessional funding, and for all the other requirements, without which it will be very difficult for developing countries to overcome the present difficulties, even if they establish good agreements with this or that country in different areas of the economic activity. 

Question: Thank you, Mr. Guterres. Bom dia. I am a reporter from RT Channel. So as Russia and China expand their roles within BRICS and straighten their ties with ASEAN, how can the UN cooperate with this emerging center of influence to build a more balanced and inclusive security architecture in the Asia-Pacific region? Thank you. 

Secretary-General: I think that agreements that improve trade, that improve economic cooperation are always positive. But let's have no illusions. There will only be justice and equity, there will only be the chance for developing countries to be able to overcome the present difficulties if there is an in-depth reform of international financial institutions. It is absolutely essential to have, in the organizations that run the global finance, the Bretton Woods system, other internationally similar institutions - it's absolutely essential that there is a participation of the developing countries, that it is much bigger. That the voice of developing countries is much more strongly heard in the decision-making processes and that much more resources are made available for debt relief, for concessional funding, and for all the other requirements, without which it will be very difficult for developing countries to overcome the present difficulties, even if they establish good agreements with this or that country in different areas of economic activity. 

Question: Thank you, Mr. Guterres. Bom dia. I am a reporter from RTE Ireland. So as Russia and China expand their roles within BRICS and straighten their ties with ASEAN, how can the UN cooperate with this emerging centre of influence to build a more balanced and inclusive security architecture in the Asia-Pacific region? Thank you. 

Secretary-General: I believe that we will only have effective multilateralism when we will have effective multipolarity in the world. I am totally against the world in which superpowers have a dominant role. We need a world in which international law prevails, in which the values of the Charter prevail. And the only way to guarantee it is through more equanimity in international relations, which means with a true multipolarity that facilitates multilateralism. And I see ASEAN as a very important element in this equilibrium of international relations. I believe it's essential we have different countries and groups of countries networking in different aspects of economic and political dimensions and creating with this network a factor of equilibrium that doesn't allow for any abuse of power of any superpower, or for a division, a geopolitical division of the world in two parts like it happened in the Cold War. I believe we need harmony, and harmony comes from equilibrium. We need a world in which there is more equilibrium in power, and for that we need to promote a multipolar world, and that multipolarity requires poles, and one of them can be ASEAN. 

Question: Hi, I'm Vikesh from Bernama. Malaysia earlier expressed interest to join the Gaza Peacekeeping Mission. I think yesterday the Prime Minister talked about his interest in the Gaza Peace Mission. What will be the mechanism and what kind of role do you think Malaysia can play? And my second question is also from Malaysia. There is a call to reform the UN, including the evolution of limitation of veto power. What's your take on that? 

Secretary-General: First of all, in relation to Gaza, I would like to express my appreciation for what has been the constant, coherent foreign policy of Malaysia, that has no double standards and that has been strongly advocating for the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and statehood. It is not yet clear what kind of force in what circumstances it will be created. What is important now is to make sure that the ceasefire holds, that phase one of the agreement is fully implemented, and the UN is ready to play whatever role the key actors involved in this process will determine. 

And on the second question, it is clear that the Security Council has a problem of legitimacy and a problem of effectiveness. Legitimacy because its composition no longer corresponds to the reality of today's world. We have three European permanent members in the Security Council. We have France, UK, and Russia. And we have one Asian member, no member from Latin America, no member from Africa. This shows that the Security Council doesn't correspond at all to the world of today. That is why it's so important to have an African representation, have a permanent member. It's also important to have an increase in permanent representatives from Asia. Second, there is a problem of effectiveness. And the main element that complicates the effectiveness is indeed the veto power. Two of the countries, England and France, the UK and France, have presented the proposal to limit the veto power in a certain number of circumstances. And I think it would be very interesting if the members of the Council would seriously consider those proposals.