Excellencies, Distinguished conference participants,

I would like to commend the PRIO Centre on Gender, Peace and Security, the Center for Gender Studies at the University of Oslo, as well as the European Research Council for shining a spotlight on a neglected group of victims: children born of war. I would also like to extend particular gratitude to fellow panelists, Winfried Behlau, Elna Johnsen, and Lejla Damon. Without the courage and resilience of these individuals and others born of war, this issue may have slipped further into the shadows. Finally, I express my deep appreciation to Norway for its strategic leadership on Women, Peace and Security during its tenure on the Security Council, and for ensuring that the issue of conflict-related sexual violence remains central to the work of the world’s paramount peace and security body.

Since I took office in 2017, I have sought to ensure that the needs and rights of children born of wartime rape are understood and upheld. In doing so, a critical priority of my mandate has been to bridge the academic-policy gap, and ensure evidence-based responses. Children born of war are acutely vulnerable and face unique immediate and long-term needs due to the circumstances of their birth. Since time immemorial, rape has been used to control women’s sexuality, labor, and reproduction; to shred the social fabric; and to conquer territories and populations. Yet, the experience of children born of wartime rape came to the fore of public debate only in the 1990s. In Liberia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Uganda, and the former Yugoslavia, armed groups and forces used rape as a tactic of war to displace and dehumanize communities, and forcibly impregnate women and girls. Such strategies, fueled by entrenched gender inequality, treat children born of rape as the next generation of an armed political, ethnic, or religious movement. These children are often perceived as affiliated with the parties to the conflict, provoking stigma and in some cases, infanticide, abandonment, or other violations. Tragically, these trends continue to be documented today in conflict-affected settings such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Myanmar, Nigeria, and elsewhere. Such trends underscore the acute need for further research in this area, as an evidence-base for tailored responses.

I am encouraged by the increased recognition, among policy-makers and academic and research institutions alike, of the importance of this issue. It is clear that academic research, like the European Children Born of War project, can play a pivotal role in bringing into focus the risks and harms faced by children born of war, and shaping public policy to ensure their protection. To date, national and international policy makers have largely overlooked the protection needs – and indeed the very existence – of children born of rape.

In Rwanda, the law governing the Fund for Support and Assistance to Survivors of the Genocide does not recognize children born of rape among those entitled to relief.

In Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Syria and elsewhere a child cannot be registered without the father’s name. Lack of civil birth registration excludes children from vital services related to health care, education, and housing. Adults, grappling with residual trauma, often find few options for employment.

In various field visits to IDP camps in Maiduguri, Goma, Darfur, and South Sudan, I witnessed how the fate of these children is inextricably linked to that of their mothers. In Iraq, I visited shelters full of abandoned children, and women shared with me the pain and agony of having had no choice but to abandon their children. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, I met with adults who had been born from rape and realized the extent to which they suffer as a result of their mothers’ own stigmatization and discrimination. Clearly, because the initial violations had gone unacknowledged and unaddressed, there had been a cascade of harms, passed from mother to child in an intergenerational cycle of the denial of human dignity and rights.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

I have sought to use the tools of my mandate to highlight first-hand the security and humanitarian challenges facing children born of rape. My Office organized a series of events in the lead-up to the milestone special Report of the Secretary-General on women and girls who become pregnant as a result of sexual violence in conflict and children born of sexual violence in conflict, which was prepared by my Office. On 19 June 2018, the focus of the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict was on “The Plight and Rights of Children Born of War”. I invited Allen Muhic, a young man from Bosnia who was born of wartime rape, to formally address the United Nations on his experience of growing up in a society profoundly polarized by war.

In October 2018, my Office co-organized an Arria-Formula Meeting on “Protecting Children Born of Sexual Violence in Conflict Zones”, featuring Evelyn Amony, a former forced wife of Joseph Kony, who gave birth to and raised children in the harrowing context of LRA captivity. Building on this, in 2019, I marked the 10-year anniversary of the establishment of my mandate through a Survivors’ Hearing, which highlighted stigma and poverty as critical challenges to the social reintegration of survivors of wartime sexual violence and their children.

I am pleased that my advocacy initiatives informed the development of Security Council resolution 2467 of 2019, which recognized for the first time that children born of sexual violence have rights both connected to, and distinct from, their mothers. Resolution 2467 specifically mandated the Special Report on this subject, prepared by my Office, in consultation with relevant UN system partners. Published in January, this report provided an opportunity to systematically review and consolidate United Nations knowledge and experience to date. Substantive input was provided by 24 United Nations field presences in consultation with national authorities, local civil society organizations, survivors’ networks, and international organizations. In addition, the 13 annual Reports of the Secretary-General on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence, compiled by my Office since 2009, have consistently documented patterns and trends related to children born of conflict-related rape.

To ensure a rights-based approach to the analysis and recommendations of this report, I signed frameworks of cooperation in 2018 and 2020 with the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and the Committee on the Rights of the Child. This collaboration led to a joint statement by the two Committees, issued on 19 November 2021 outlining States’ obligations under both Conventions, including ensuring access to health care and education, the right to nationality, rehabilitation and reintegration, as well as efforts to combat stigma and social exclusion. In terms of findings, the report affirmed that the toxic combination of conflict dynamics and structural gender-based inequality excludes children born of conflict-related rape from essential cultural and familial networks. This was evident in discriminatory naming practices, such as in Mali, where children were called “rebel’s child” or “jihadist’s child.” The report documented cases of transgenerational trauma, where survivors lacked support to raise children. Discriminatory birth registration practices exacerbate socioeconomic marginalization. Children born of wartime rape also face a heightened risk of statelessness and exploitation, owing to discriminatory nationality laws and practices, which urgently require reform.

Women and girls who become pregnant as a result of rape, often experience deep and abiding harm, especially those who are still children themselves. They are often unable to find work owing to gynecological injuries, sexually transmitted diseases, psychological trauma, stigma and ostracization. Left unaddressed, trauma and mental health challenges impede healing and socioeconomic reintegration. Legislation and practices related to the inheritance and ownership of land and other property, which discriminate against women and girls, further marginalize survivors and their children, and deepen the feminization of poverty. Our research found that while few legal, policy and operational responses currently address the rights and needs of children born of conflict-related rape, some promising approaches have emerged. In Nepal, for instance, the second National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, which is pending adoption, includes both survivors and children born of rape. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, more than two decades since the war ended, an association focused on the rights of persons born of rape launched the “Name of one parent” campaign. This culminated in a change in administrative forms in several municipalities to require only one parent’s name for the issuance of identification documents.

Our review of peace and security initiatives indicated several critical gaps with respect to upholding the rights and meeting the needs of survivors who become pregnant, and children born of conflict-related rape. Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programmes have tended to characterize girls associated with armed forces as dependents, without delving into the coercive and violent nature of their circumstances. Member States and mediators contributing to peace agreements should encourage provisions prohibiting conflict-related sexual violence and supporting increased access to redress and reintegration for survivors and children born of rape, as well as accountability for these crimes.

Reinforcing justice and accountability presents particular challenges given the complex dynamics around children born of conflict-related rape. Crimes of sexual violence cause severe and enduring harm to survivors and reverberate through the lives of children, families, and communities. What is needed is an interconnected and interdependent application of judicial and non-judicial measures in coordination with peace and political processes. Yet transitional justice processes rarely include children born of conflict-related rape. In Iraq, the Yazidi Survivors Law, adopted in March 2021, provides for transformative support to survivors of sexual violence, but stops short of recognition or benefits for children born of rape. A robust and comprehensive legislative framework is an essential foundation for justice. Last June, my Office launched model legislative provisions and guidance on the investigation and prosecution of conflict-related sexual violence, which include specific provisions related to children born of rape. Equally important are engagements with civil society and full compliance with safety and ethical standards, to respect confidentiality, and uphold best practice standards.

With respect to service provision, two critical points emerged from the special report. The first is the distinction between rights and needs. All children, regardless of the circumstances of their conception, have the same rights pursuant to the Convention on the Rights of the Child. These rights are indivisible and universal. Nonetheless, children born of conflict-related rape will often have specific needs. These may require additional support to ensure equitable access to services. Where children born of rape are separated from their families, abandoned, or left in the care of extended family members, additional complications and needs may arise. Multisectoral services, including psychosocial support, health care and reintegration, are urgently needed. Secondly, in too many contexts, service provision is donor-dependent and limited to time-bound projects and programmes, which cannot meet the scale of the needs. Civil society actors in Mali have called for the full integration of children born as a result of rape in schools at the community-level to ensure that they are not marginalized, or at risk of radicalization and recruitment by armed and extremist groups.

The report sets out a platform of concrete recommendations for the Security Council, Member States and donors, as a basis for filling protection, assistance and accountability gaps. As allegations of conflict-related sexual violence emerged in the context of war in Ukraine, I issued several public statements on the need for all parties to respect international law, protect civilians, and enhance anti-trafficking efforts. I also initiated discussions with the Ukrainian authorities, which culminated in a Framework of Cooperation, which I signed on 3rd May with the Ukrainian Deputy Prime Minister for European and Euro-Atlantic Integration, on behalf of the United Nations system. This Framework includes measures to strengthen the rule of law, and reinforce the capacity of the security and defense sector to prevent sexual violence. In early May, I traveled to Ukraine and the frontline refugee-receiving countries, Poland and Moldova, where I raised the issue of women and girls who become pregnant as a result of rape and children born of such violence. I stressed the need for multisectoral services, including sexual and reproductive health care. I have also called for accountability as a central aspect of deterrence, prevention, and non-repetition, as the failure to acknowledge and investigate past atrocities is the surest sign that violations will continue unabated.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I believe that with our support, children born of rape in war can survive and thrive. They can overcome the horrific circumstances of their birth and have the hope of a brighter future in which they are treated with the dignity and respect they deserve. I very much look forward to the findings of the EuroWARCHILD study, which include personal testimonies and first-hand perspectives. Listening to survivors and directly affected communities is key to ensuring that local realities guide the global search for solutions.

Thank you.