UNFPA COUNTRY SUPPORT TEAM

Office for the South Pacific

Discussion Paper No. 20

 

Fertility Patterns of Adolescent and Older Women in Pacific Island Countries: Programming Implications*

by

William J. House
Adviser on Population Policies and Development Strategies
UNFPA Country Support Team, Suva

and

Ibrahim Nasiru
UNV  Health Statistician, UNFPA, Suva

 

The views and opinions contained in this paper
have not been officially cleared and thus do not
necessarily represent the position of the
United Nations Population Fund

1 August 1999


Table of Contents

Introduction

Patterns of Adolescent Fertility in the Pacific Island Countries

    Alternative measures

Childbearing by Older Women – A Forgotten Issue?

    Older women: a special target group?

Conclusions

References

 


List of Tables

Table 1: Age-Specific Fertility Rates (ASFRs) for 15-19 Year Old Women by Country, for Selected Years.

Table 2: Age Specific Fertility Rates of 15-19 Year Olds for South Pacific Countries and Selected Countries from other Regions (Restricted to data for the 1990s)

Table 3: Percent of 20-24 Year Olds Who Have Borne a Child Before Age 20

Table 4: Absolute Number of Births, and Share of Total Number of Births, Attributable to Adolescents Aged 15-19 in Selected Pacific Island Countries and the World Over Time

Table 5: Age-Specific Fertility Rates for Women Aged 35 and Over

Table 6: Age-Specific Fertility Rates of 15-19, 35-39 and 40-44 Year Olds in Selected Pacific Island Countries and World Regions in the 1990s

Table 7: Absolute Number of Births and Share of Total Number of Births Attributable to Women Aged 35+ in Selected Pacific Island Countries and the World Over Time

 


INTRODUCTION

Following the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) in Cairo in 1994, much concern has been expressed about the importance of the life-cycle stage of adolescence, the powerfully formative time of transition to adulthood. What happens to the individual during this period shapes how they will live their adult lives, in the reproductive arena as well as in the social and economic realm. The ICPD was especially concerned over the vulnerable reproductive health status of adolescents, particularly girls between the ages of 15 and 19 years, partly due to their changing demographic and sexual behaviour. Indications are that, while the mean age at menarche has been falling, both the mean age at first marriage and age at first intercourse have been rising, but the increase in age at marriage is greater, resulting in an extended period of possible exposure to adolescent pregnancy (Bongaarts and Cohen, 1998). Adolescents, especially those aged 15 to 19 years, are believed to engage in high levels of unprotected sexual activity both within and outside marriage, leaving them exposed to the risk of unplanned and unwanted pregnancy, contracting sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) and the transmission of HIV and AIDS. Such behaviour, often resulting in early out-of-wedlock pregnancy, constitutes a major threat to the health of these young women, as well as retarding their potential educational, career and economic development.

Recently, organizations in many countries have created a wide range of programmes to respond to the reproductive health needs of adolescents, although it is fully recognized that existing programmes are too few and too limited to meet the global need. This need is reflected in the approximately 1 billion persons who are adolescents, 85% of whom live in developing countries. Very many adolescents are sexually active and at risk of numerous reproductive health dangers, such as unsafe abortion, sexually transmitted diseases and, in particular, HIV, whereby 40% of all new infections occur among 15-24 year olds.

Clearly, adolescents are a sizeable vulnerable group and the world community, and UNFPA in particular, is justified in highlighting their specific problems. They often lack basic reproductive health information, skills in negotiating sexual relationships, and access to affordable, confidential reproductive health services. Concerns about privacy or the ability to pay, and real or perceived disapproval by service providers further limit access to services where they exist, as do legal barriers to information and services in some countries. Many adolescents lack strong stable relationships with parents or other adults with whom they can talk about their reproductive health concerns.

This increased concern for the health and welfare of young people is to be welcomed and it has been echoed repeatedly in recent years in the Pacific Island countries (PICs). Indeed, much of the rationale for UNFPA’s current programme in the region is premised on the belief that adolescents are increasingly sexually active, often exposed to early pregnancy and infections from sexually transmitted diseases, and frequently by-passed by the institutions and personnel responsible for the provision of reproductive health services, including family planning.

The adverse social and economic consequences for an adolescent girl who becomes pregnant and delivers a baby will depend on her particular marital, cultural, familial, and community situation. However, the physical and health consequences for the mother and her child are universally recognised as problematic (Singh, 1998). From the societal and familial viewpoint, the consequences of adolescent pregnancy and childbirth, especially that of very young adolescents, are profound. In less developed countries, where health conditions are poor and anemia and malnutrition are common, and where access to health care is inadequate, adolescent pregnancy can bring forth very high risks to the immediate and long-term health status of the mother and child.

No doubt, the adverse social, economic and personal repercussions of adolescent childbearing are inversely related to the age of the teenage mother. The young mother will invariably drop out of school and any opportunities for further education will be curtailed; she is very likely to be unmarried and to become overly dependent on her family for economic support. Her lifetime opportunities for self-advancement will have been seriously damaged by the act of early motherhood.

While accepting, unequivocally, that adolescent reproductive health, particularly the deleterious consequences for the subjects of unprotected sexual activity and teenage pregnancy, should be a prime concern of UNFPA and other development agencies, the purpose of this short paper is to bring an element of circumspection to the often seemingly alarmist popular perceptions about trends in adolescent sexual behaviour which are widely portrayed in the local media1. We wish to investigate whether adolescent birth rates are high and rising over time in the Pacific Island countries, as is widely believed, and whether they are high relative to past years and to other developing regions in the world. We conclude by examining the merits of also focussing financial and technical assistance on another vulnerable group of women, those exposed to pregnancy over the age of 35 years, whose claims for special treatment seem to have been subordinated by the perception of rising rates of teenage pregnancy in the region in recent years.

PATTERNS OF ADOLESCENT FERTILITY IN THE PACIFIC ISLAND COUNTRIES (PICs)

No doubt, the societal consequences of an early age at initial childbearing are profound and can be especially adverse if the woman is unmarried. They will vary according to the timing of childbirth during the adolescent years as well as the proportion of women who start childbearing at different ages. The level of, and changes over time in, adolescent childbearing are examined here, to the extent possible, using various measures. The overall rate is best captured by the age-specific fertility rate (ASFR), particularly for girls aged 15-19 years. Another indicator is the proportion of all births in a year attributable to adolescents, or more definitively, to those aged 15-19. On the other hand the timing of childbearing is better measured by the proportion who have had a child by selected ages within the period of adolescence, say by the age of 20.

The ASFR measures the annual number of live births per 1,000 women in each of seven age groups (15-19, 20-24….40-44, 45-49) and is a valuable measure of current childbearing performance by these cohorts. Very few Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) have been conducted in the PICs and the development of a registration system of vital events (births, deaths and marriages) remains in its infancy in the great majority of Pacific Island countries. Reliance on registered births from incomplete hospital records would produce very misleading results as coverage rates vary from year to year. Therefore, in most cases, we must rely on the decennial Census of Population for information on childbearing to trace the evolution of changing patterns of adolescent fertility.

These data are taken from the demographic analyses of past censuses. While we cannot vouch for the reliability of the data, they are likely to be the best available. It is also likely that, over time, their reliability has improved as national statistical offices have gained experience and built national capacity, often through the support of donor organisations. For the PICs, how high is current adolescent fertility and what has been happening to the ASFR of adolescents over time? The only available source and most reliable evidence comes from national censuses which is portrayed in table 1 which reports the annual number of births per 1000 women aged 15-19 at various times over the last 30-40 years in the PICs and major regions of the world.

While the longevity of the data series differs across countries, what can we conclude about general patterns of change in childbearing of adolescents from Table 1? With a few exceptions (PNG, Marshall Islands and Tuvalu) it can be concluded that adolescent fertility has fallen over the years in the PICs at a time when overall fertility was generally declining for all women. The lowest rates of adolescent fertility are found in Polynesia (Tonga 28; Samoa 22) with some of the highest in Micronesia (Marshall Islands 162 in 1988) and Melanesia (PNG, 77 in 1996 and Solomon Islands, 101 in 1984-86). The apparent increase in adolescent fertility in PNG and Tuvalu seems implausibly high, underlining the difficulty of monitoring demographic trends in small island populations2.

Table 1: Age-Specific Fertility Rates (ASFRs) for 15-19 Year Old Women
by Country, for Selected Years.

MELANESIA

1960s

1970s

1980s

1990s

Fiji:

Fijians

55

42

-

-

Indians

96

53

-

-

All

-

-

65

54

Papua New Guinea

69

63

41

77

Solomon Is.

-

142

101

-

Vanuatu

102

91

60

-

MICRONESIA

 

Federated States of Micronesia

-

90

68

54

Kiribati

109

76

51

44

Marshall Islands

171

155

162

-

Palau

91

81

53

45

POLYNESIA

 

Cook Islands

128

89

83

76

Tonga

-

32

28

281

Tuvalu

-

17

-

39

Samoa

-

41

-

22

Niue

-

-

-

32

The WORLD 1990-95

 

World Total

-

-

-

60

Africa

-

-

-

136

Asia

-

-

-

45

Europe

-

-

-

27

Latin America and Caribbean

-

-

-

79

North America

-

-

-

60

Oceania

-

-

-

28

Sources: National Census; The World-United Nations (1995); 1Latu (1996)

How does the level of adolescent fertility in the PICs compare with other major regions of the world for the most recent period for which we have data, the 1990s? The world average for adolescents in the period 1990-1995 was 60 births per 1000 women, which is only exceeded by Papua New Guinea and Cook Islands of the countries in the region for which data are available for this period. In all likelihood, the level in Solomon Islands and Marshall Islands would currently also exceed 60 if data were available. Indeed, compared with most of the developing regions of the world, Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, and indeed North America, adolescent fertility in the Pacific Island countries appears to be relatively low.

Where data allow in the PICs, it is also of interest to contrast the proportionate decline over time in adolescent childbearing compared with overall fertility. In only a few countries can we make such comparisons over any length of time: in three of them, Solomon Islands (-30% for adolescents c.f. –18% for adults), Kiribati (-53% c.f. –45%) and Vanuatu (-20% c.f. –19%), adolescent fertility appears to have fallen faster than adult fertility. In Cook Islands (-40% v –58%) and FSM (-40% v –43%) the opposite is the case.

From current estimates we have of fertility, how ‘high’ is adolescent fertility according to the ASFR in the PICs compared with numerous other countries around the world? In Table 2 we restrict the countries to data from the 1990s and again compare ASFRs for various countries with those from the South Pacific. The comparisons are very revealing and confirm once more that adolescent fertility is relatively low in the PICs, compared with some of the individual countries from other developing regions.

This is not to deny, of course, that the rate of adolescent pregnancy might have risen in the PICs, only to be offset by a high rate of induced abortion. Since abortion in the PICs is illegal as a means of terminating a pregnancy, other than to save the life of the mother, it is impossible to bring hard evidence to bear on the hypothesis. We would argue, however, that while such illegal abortions may be taking place, they are not so widespread as to contradict our overall conclusion. Nor is it obvious that, where induced abortion takes place, it is more prevalent among younger than older women.

Furthermore, while adolescent fertility has been generally declining at the same time as the mean age at first marriage has been rising, it could well be that the proportion of adolescent births attributable to unmarried teenagers has been rising3. Such a phenomenon may well have led to the popular perception that overall adolescent fertility has been rising. However, no data are available to confirm or reject this hypothesis.

Table 2: Age Specific Fertility Rates of 15-19 Year Olds for South Pacific Countries and Selected Countries from other Regions (Restricted to data for the 1990s)

ASFR for 15-19 Year Olds

<30

30-50

51-100

100+

South Pacific

Samoa (22)
Tonga (28)
Tokelau (0)

Kiribati (44)
Niue (32)
Palau (45)
Tuvalu (39)

Cook Is. (76)
FSM (54)
PNG (77)
Fiji (54)

 

Sub-Saharan Africa

Rwanda (60)
Zimbabwe (99)

Burkino Faso (149)
Cameroon (164)
Ghana (116)
Kenya (110)
Madagascar (157)
Malawi (161)
Namibia (109)
Niger (215)
Nigeria (146)
Senegal (127)
Tanzania (144)
Zambia (156)

Asia

Philippines (50)

Indonesia (61)
Pakistan (84)
Turkey (55)

Bangladesh (140)
India (121)

Latin America/Caribbean

Bolivia (94)
Columbia (89)
Dominican
Republic (88)
Paraguay (97)
Peru (61)
Trinidad (82)

Source: For the PICs – see table 1. Other Countries see Singh (1998), table 2

Alternative Measures

While the overall level of adolescent fertility is best captured by the ASFR for females aged 15-19, the timing of childbearing is better measured by the proportion of women aged 20-24 who have borne a birth by a certain age, say 18, 19 or 20. Very few estimates for the PICs are available and these are compared with recent data for the 1990s for selected countries from around the world and reported in Table 3. While the reference periods are often slightly different, it would seem that the percentage of 20-24 year olds who had borne a child by age 20 were already relatively low in earlier years in the few Pacific island countries for which data are available compared with more recent estimates for other regions of the world.

Alternatively, it may be that raised concern about adolescent fertility reflects concern over a growing proportion of annual total births being attributable to women under the age of 20 years. Indeed, what has happened to the absolute number of births borne by teenagers over time, as well as their contribution or share of the total number of annual births? Patterns of change are reported and the PICs compared with other regions of the world in table 4.

Table 3: Percent of 20-24 Year Olds Who Have Borne a Child Before Age 20

PACIFIC ISLANDS

%

 

Papua New Guinea (1996)

Vanuatu (1995)

Fiji: Fijians

 

Indians


Kiribati (1978)

34.6

38.1

30.6
28.2
20.8

68.5
45.2
23.3

29.4


 

(1956)
(1966)
(1976)

(1956)
(1966)
(1976)

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA

Burkino Faso (1992-93)
Cameroon (1991)
Ghana (1993)
Kenya (1993)
Madagascar (1992)
Malawi (1992)
Namibia (1992)
Niger (1992)
Nigeria (1990)
Rwanda (1992)
Senegal (1992-93)
Tanzania (1991-92)
Zambia (1992)
Zimbabwe (1994)
Mean:

62.4
66.8
48.5
52.2
52.9
63.3
41.6
75.0
53.5
24.6
51.7
56.8
61.3
46.9
54.1

 

ASIA

Bangladesh (1993-94)
India (1992-93)
Indonesia (1994)
Pakistan (1990-91)
Philippines (1993)
Turkey (1993)
Mean:

66.0
48.6
32.7
30.5
21.5
25.3
37.4

 

LATIN AMERICA/CARIBBEAN

Bolivia (1993-94)
Columbia (1995)
Dominican Republic (1991)
Paraguay (1990)
Peru (1991-92)
Mean:

37.7
36.0
33.1
37.1
26.9
34.2

 

Source: Various Census Reports for the PICs, House (1998) and Singh(1998) table 2

Table 4: Absolute Number of Births, and Share of Total Number
of Births, Attributable to Adolescents Aged 15-19 in
Selected Pacific Island
Countries and the World Over Time

 

Absolute Number of Births

Share of Births to Adolescents in Total Annual Births (%)

 

1970s

1980s

1990s

1970s

1980s

1990s

Melanesia

Fiji
Papua New Guinea
Solomon Islands
Vanuatu

 

-
6,517
-
553

 

2,375
5,618
-
412

 

2190
14,197
-
-

 

-
6
-
12

 

11
5
-
8

 

11
11
-
-

Micronesia

FSM
Kiribati
Marshall Islands
Palau

 

303
262
-
-

 

257
-
321
58

 

314
161
-
30

 

10
13
-
-

 

8
-
15
13

 

10
7
-
9

Polynesia

Cook Islands
Tonga
Tuvalu
Samoa
Niue

 

91
-
9
373
-

 

93
143
-
-
-

 

58
117
1
11
204
3

 

17
-
5
9
-

 

20
6
-
-
-

 

11
5
1
4
5
4

The World 1990-95

World Total
Africa
Asia
Europe
Latin America & Caribbean
North America
Oceania

         

 

11
17
9
8
16

13
6

Source: National Censuses; The World-UN (1995); 1Latu (1996)

The direction of change in the PICs in table 4 is fairly clear. Only in Papua New Guinea is there any significant increase in the absolute number and share of total births attributable to adolescents4. Elsewhere, particularly in Fiji, Vanuatu, Kiribati, Palau, Cook Islands, Tonga and Samoa, the absolute number of annual births to adolescents has declined, often accompanied by a decline or constancy in their share of total annual births in their country.

Still, this evidence should not detract from the need to address the emerging reproductive health problems of adolescents, many of which are not necessarily related to childbearing per se, but which are a consequence of sexual activity, the nature and extent of which has not been measured.

CHILDBEARING BY OLDER WOMEN – A FORGOTTEN ISSUE?

Patterns of fertility and infant and maternal mortality are closely interrelated. Relatively high rates of infant and maternal mortality occurring in some of the Pacific Island countries can be attributed to many factors5. One important determinant is the pattern of fertility depending, in turn, on the age of the mother, the number of children she has had, and the length of interval between births. Children born to teenage mothers and to mothers over the age of 35 have a reduced chance of surviving. Older mothers who have already had a number of children are also likely to be at greater risk together with their new-born, because they are less able to withstand the stress of pregnancy, delivery and breastfeeding6.

How significant is childbearing amongst older women in the PICs, relative to younger women in their countries? Table 5 brings evidence to bear on this issue.

Table 5: Age-Specific Fertility Rates for Women Aged 35 and Over

 

1970s

1980s

1990s

Melanesia

Fiji
Papua New Guinea
Solomon Islands
Vanuatu

 

-
119
-
123

 

38
98
-
98

 

35
86
-
-

Micronesia

FSM
Kiribati
Marshall Islands
Palau

 

154
73
-
142

 

170
91
120
82

 

102
82
-
31

Polynesia

Cook Islands
Tonga
Tuvalu
Samoa
Niue

 

71
-
21
78
-

 

56
75
-
-
-

 

-
851
94
98
77

Source: National Censuses and 1Latu (1996)

Along with the overall total fertility rate and the age specific fertility rate for adolescents, the rate of childbearing amongst older women has generally declined throughout the PICs over the last three decades. However, fertility amongst women age 35 and over still remains very significant and appreciably higher than among adolescents in these countries. During the 1990s the ASFR for the over 35s, as reflected in the data in tables 1 and 5, exceeded that for adolescents by a significant margin in PNG, FSM, Kiribati, Tuvalu, Samoa and Niue. Given the reported differences in fertility behaviour between these cohorts in earlier years, this pattern is likely to also hold in Vanuatu and Tonga in the 1990s.

A comparison is made of the most recently estimated ASFRs for 15-19 year olds with 35-39 and 40-44 year olds both in the PICs with other regions of the world in table 6. It is evident that older women in the former continue to experience relatively high fertility compared with adolescents while the stark opposite generally holds in many other regions of the world. Such high-risk behaviour by older women can be the cause of profound life-endangering reproductive health problems for such women and their families, and particularly for their children. Yet the persistently higher fertility of older women in the PICs does not appear to attract anywhere near as much attention from planners, policy-makers, donors and the media as the fertility behaviour of adolescents in the current post-ICPD era of concern with adolescent reproductive health and sexuality.

Table 6: Age-Specific Fertility Rates of 15-19, 35-39 and 40-44 Year Olds in Selected Pacific Island Countries and World Regions in the 1990s

 

ASFRs 15-19 Year Olds

ASFRs 35-39 Year Olds

ASFRs 40-44 Year Olds

Melanesia

Fiji
Papua New Guinea

 

54
77

 

61
122

 

25
82

Micronesia

FSM
Kiribati
Palau

 

54
44
45

 

153
138
54

 

91
60
20

Polynesia

Tuvalu
Samoa
Tonga
Niue

 

39
22
22
32

 

135
153
126
159

 

39
86
67
40

The World

World Total
Africa
Asia
Europe
Latin America & Caribbean
North America
Oceania

 

60
136
45
27
79
60
28

 

9
149
56
23
66
32
53

 

24
82
22
5
28
5
20

Source: National Census Reports and UN (1995)

Table 7 replicates the structure of table 4 while examining patterns of change and the relative importance of childbearing amongst older women. Following the overall decline in fertility, childbearing amongst older women, as well as adolescents, has indeed fallen over the last 30 years or so in the majority of the PICs. Yet there are exceptions in table 7. Over some part of the period the absolute number of births to older women has increased, for example, in Fiji, PNG, Vanuatu, FSM, Kiribati, Tonga, Tuvalu and Samoa, partly reflecting an increase in the ASFR of the over-35 (FSM, Kiribati, Tuvalu and Samoa) and an increase in the number of women in these age groups. Indeed, table 7 demonstrates that the share of total annual births attributable to the over-35s has risen over time in some countries (Fiji, Vanuatu, FSM, Kiribati, Tonga, Tuvalu and Samoa) while still invariably far exceeding the share contributed by adolescents. Moreover, the share of total births of older women in many of the PICs exceeds their share in the world at large, and even in high fertility regions such as Africa and Latin America.

Table 7: Absolute Number of Births and Share of Total Number of Births Attributable to Women Aged 35+ in Selected Pacific Island Countries
and the World Over Time

 

Absolute Number of Births

Share of Births to Women 35+ in Total Annual Births (%)

 

1970s

1980s

1990s

1970s

1980s

1990s

Melanesia

Fiji
Papua New Guinea
Solomon Islands
Vanuatu

 

-
22,908
-
722

 

1,957
19,305
-
779

 

2,362
20,473
-
-

 

-
22
-
15

 

9
21
-
16

 

12
16
-
-

Micronesia

FSM
Kiribati
Marshall Islands
Palau

 

785
280
-
101

 

639
-
256
57

 

732
481
-
36

 

25
14
-
23

 

19
-
12
18

 

22
20
-
11

Polynesia

Cook Islands
Tonga
Tuvalu
Samoa
Niue

 

76
-
12
693
-

 

64
400
-
-
-

 

371
476
2
58
920
13

 

14
-
7
17

 

14
17
-
-

 

71
19
2
22
22
17

The World 1990-95

World Total
Africa
Asia
Europe
Latin America & Caribbean
North America
Oceania

         

 

11
15
10
9
11
10
10

Source: National Censuses; The World-UN (1995); 1From registered births, see Katoanga (1996); 2Latu (1996)

Older Women: A Special Target Group?

Given that family planning programmes in the past were concentrated on dealing with the ‘Maternal and Child Health’ (MCH) problems on mothers and their off-spring, an issue arises as to whether the high fertility of older women in the PICs may have been inadequately addressed. Or, perhaps this relatively high fertility is wanted fertility? Where it is unwanted, a strong case can be made for public sector and NGO interventions to address the problems of those women experiencing an "unmet need" for family planning as a group deserving of priority concern. Unmet need is usually defined on the basis of women’s responses to survey questions. Those fecund and sexually active women who indicate that they would like to postpone or avoid further childbearing, but also report that neither they nor their partners are using any method of contraception, are said to have an unmet need. The standard formulation has been developed by Charles Westoff (1988a; 1988b) who defined the group with unmet need as all fecund women who are married or living in union – thus presumed to be sexually active – who are not using any method of contraception but they either do not wish to bear any more children or wish to postpone their next birth for at least two more years. Those who wish to bear no more children are said to have an unmet need for limiting births; those who do not want another child for at least two more years are considered to have an unmet need for spacing births.

Some of the common causes of unmet need include inconvenient or unsatisfactory services, ignorance and lack of information about their fecund state and the need to use reliable contraception and about what services are available, fears of the side effects of contraceptive methods, a lack of long term methods for couples who have completed their family formation, and opposition from husbands and other members of the extended family. Other important reasons include lack of access, high cost and fatalism (Bongaarts and Bruce, 1995).

Obviously, the identification of the nature and characteristics of unmet need can help the family planning programme to better respond to the demands of these women. A programme strategy focusing on such women as a distinct audience and clientele requires a comprehension of the reasons underlying the unmet need; the determination of the size and composition of sub-groups classified according to their socio-economic characteristics; the prioritizing of certain sub-groups which the programme would be capable of reaching; and the design of a strategy to deliver information and services to meet the essential and specific needs of the various sub-groups.

Only two recent surveys are available from the PICs which attempt to gauge the size of the unmet need of women, and then only the unmet need for limiting births. From a 1995 Knowledge, Attitudes and Practice (KAP) survey in Vanuatu, House (1998) estimated that at least 24% of all adult women of childbearing age, and 30% of women with a husband or partner, have an unmet need for contraception for limiting the size of their families because they claim not to want another child but are not using any form of family planning.

Since our concern in this section of the paper is with the status of older women, it is revealing to note that 47% of the 35-49 years age group in Vanuatu are estimated to have an unmet need for family planning. This would suggest about 4,800 ni-Vanuatu women in this age category had an unmet need in 1995. Of course, some of the oldest women in this group may have experienced, or were in the process of experiencing, menopause and would not need contraception. And some, perhaps, were not sexually active. Nevertheless, despite these reservations, we can assert that the unmet need of older women for limiting additional births in Vanuatu is significant and worthy of special consideration by planners, policy makers and donors in the family planning sector.

It is also very revealing to note that over 63% of the older women in Vanuatu with an unmet need for limiting further childbearing have already had five children or more. Evidently, an additional pregnancy – especially when they did not want it – would place their health and their families’ socio-economic status in grave danger. The scope for information dissemination and education on family planning is large since 20% of this group have not heard of family planning and only 36% have ever used family planning before.

In contrast, the estimated number of women aged 15-19 in Vanuatu in 1995 was about 7,800, the largest possible female target group for interventions in adolescent reproduction health including IEC and family planning services. Even if as many as one-half of them were sexually active and in need of family planning services, the resulting size of the target group would be exceeded by the number of older women having an unmet need for family planning.

The 1996 DHS in Papua New Guinea generated conceptually similar estimates of the extent of unmet need and demonstrated that the proportion of currently married women not using contraception and wanting no more children increased consistently from 27% for those aged 30-34 to 37% for those aged 35-39, to 47% for those aged 40-44 and to 66% for those aged 45-49. For the group of women aged 35-49 48% had an unmet need for limiting future childbirth, almost the same proportion as in Vanuatu. They would represent just over 27 thousand females in PNG in 1996, a sizeable group of women worthy of special programmes to address their particular service needs.

If these scenarios reflect the situation in many of the other island countries of the Pacific, whereby perhaps 1 in every 2 women between the age of 35 and 49 has no wish to bear another child but, for one reason or another, is not using a method of family planning, there is a sizeable group of women who need to be the focus of interventions by researchers, health authorities and donors but who, at present, receive no special attention and priority and who are overshadowed by the current concern with "adolescent reproductive health".

CONCLUSIONS

Using data from recent Population Censuses, often the only source of reasonably reliable demographic data in the region, this paper has challenged the "conventional wisdom" that adolescent fertility and teenage pregnancy is high and rising in the Pacific island countries. While adolescent fertility still remains high in a few countries, the overall trend over the past 30 years in the majority of countries has been for both a decline in the age-specific fertility rate of 15-19 year olds and for a fall in their share of the total number of annual births. Compared with many of the regions in the world, adolescent fertility in the PICs is certainly not high and, indeed, by some standards might well be considered to be relatively low. This does not deny, however, that adolescent reproductive health, particularly morbidity resulting from reproductive and sexual behaviour, is an important policy issue that should be addressed by government planners, service providers, NGOs and donor agencies, including UNFPA. Nor can we confirm or reject the suggestion that the number of induced abortions by pregnant adolescents has risen in recent years in response to their increased sexual activity and consequent increased rate of pregnancies. Since abortion is illegal in the PICs, other than to save the life of the mother, it is impossible to gauge the extent to which such an illegal activity is taking place.

The paper has concluded by bringing firm evidence to bear on the existence of relatively high fertility among women over the age of 35 in many of the Pacific island countries. Like adolescents, their fertility has declined in recent decades but still is high by world standards and, in the two countries for which data are available, they appear to have a large "unmet need" for family planning services to limited further childbearing.

In conclusion, while applauding the objective of raising the reproductive health status of adolescents, we would appeal to governments, NGOs and donor agencies not to overlook the special reproductive health needs of older women in current and future reproductive health and family planning programmes.

References

Bongaarts, J. and Bruce, J., (1995), "The Causes of Unmet Need for Contraception and the Social Context of Services", Studies in Family Planning, Vol. 26, No. 2, June

Bongaarts, J. and Cohen, B. (1998), "Introduction and Overview", Studies in Family Planning, Vol. 29, No. 2, June

Booth, H. (1994) "The Estimation of Levels and Trends in Age at First Marriage in the Pacific Islands", Australian National University, Working Papers in Demography No. 45

Fiji Times (1999), Article on Sexually Transmitted Diseases

House, W.J. (1998), "Prospects for Demographic Change in Vanuatu: Results of a KAP Survey", UNFPA Country Support Team for the South Pacific, Discussion Paper No. 17, December

Katoanga, S.K. (1996), Sectoral Review of Reproductive Health in the Cook Islands, UNFPA Country Support Team, Suva, mimeographed

Latu, R. (1996) Reproductive Health and Family Planning: Sectoral Review for the Kingdom of Tonga, UNFPA, Suva, mimeographed

National Census Reports, various countries for the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s

Papua New Guinea (1997), Demographic and Health Survey 1996; National Report, National Statistical Office, Port Moresby

Singh, S. (1998), "Adolescent Childbearing in Developing Countries: A Global Review", Studies in Family Planning, Vol. 29, No. 2 June

South Pacific Commission (1997), Population Data Sheet, Noumea

United Nations (1995), World Population Prospects: The 1994 Revision, New York

UNICEF (1998), State of Pacific Youth, Suva

UNFPA (1997a), Strategy Development Report: Pacific Region, Suva

UNFPA (1997b), Proposed Projects and Programmes: Recommendation by the Executive Director – Assistance to the Pacific Subregion, New York

UNFPA (1998) UNFPA Regional Programme: Reproductive Health Sub-Programme, Suva

UNFPA (1999), Youth-Friendly Adolescent Reproductive Health Services, PMI/99/P01, Suva

Westoff, C.F. (1988a), "Is the KAP-Gap Real", Population and Development Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, June

Westoff, C.F. (1998b), "The Potential Demand for Family Planning: A New Measure of Unmet Need and Estimates for Five Latin American Countries", International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol. 14, No. 2, June

 

 


* The authors wish to thank Barney Cohen of the Committee on Population, National Research Council, Washington, D.C., John May of the World Bank, Washington, D.C., Chris McMurray of the Secretariat of the Pacific Community, and Geoff Hayes, UNFPA/ILO Technical Adviser, National Planning Office, Papua New Guinea, and UNFPA Country Support Team colleagues for comments received on an earlier draft. Neither they nor UNFPA should be held accountable for what follows since the views expressed are entirely the responsibility of the authors.

1 The popular press contributes to the growing public concern over supposedly irresponsible teenage sexual behaviour, often in alarmist tones. For example, while teenage pregnancy is believed to be everywhere on the rise, sexually transmitted disease are portrayed to be out of control. At a recent Workshop on Community Education in Fiji, a health official is reported in the Fiji national press to have said "... the rise in the numbers of teenagers contracting sexually transmitted diseases was alarming ... in 1997, 77 percent of Fijians, 16 percent of Indians and 7 percent of others contracted an STD ... (the speaker said) ... there was a need to make people aware that sexually transmitted diseases and teenage pregmnancies were on the rise" (Fiji times, 25 March 1999). Surely, quoting such unbelievable high figures is not the way to enlighten the general public!

2 The estimate for the 1990s for PNG comes from the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) of 1996 while estimates for the earlier years for this country are derived from Censuses of Population.

3 Booth (1994) has reported that both the mean age at marriage and mean age at first birth increased in both Fiji and Kiribati over the period 1946 to 1986.

4 Again, the estimate for 1990 for PNG is derived from the ASFR from the DHS and the number of adolescents reported in the 1990 Population Census.

5 Infant mortality is estimated by the 1996 DHS to be 69 per 1000 live births in PNG (PNG, 1997). While recent estimates are not available, data from the late 1980s and early 1990s suggest that the infant mortality rate remains significant in Solomon Islands (38 in 1986), Vanuatu (45 in 1989), FSM (46 in 1994), Kiribati (65 in 1990), Marshall Islands (63 in 1988) and Tuvalu (51 in 1991-95); see SPC (1997). Estimated rates of maternal mortality are more difficult to measure, particularly in such small populations. However, PNG heads the list in the PICs with an MMR of 370 (PNG, 1997)

6 While data are scare on the characteristics of the subjects of maternal deaths, it is revealing that Cook Islands reported one maternal death during the 1994-1998 and Tuvalu four such deaths between 1993 and 1998. These women were in their 30s at the time of death. Fiji recorded 36 maternal deaths during the period 1995-1998, only 2 of which were adolescents; 14 of the dead were aged at least 30.