UNITED NATIONS POPULATION INFORMATION NETWORK (POPIN)
UN Population Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs,
with support from the UN Population Fund (UNFPA)

94-09-05: Statement of United States of America, H.E. Mr. A. Gore

ISO: USA



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The electronic preparation of this document has been done by the

Population Information Network(POPIN) of the United Nations Population

Division in collaboration with the United Nations Development Programme

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 AS WRITTEN





Statement by H.E. Mr. Albert Gore

Vice-President of the United States of America







     Good morning. I am honored to join you as we begin one of the most

important conferences ever held.



     On behalf of President Clinton and the people of the United

States, I would like to first of all express my thanks and appreciation

to our host! President Mubarak. His leadership has been marked by a

continuing commitment to building a better future for his people, this

region and the world. This conference is dedicated to help achieve the

same ends. I can think of no better or more fitting setting than Cairo

for the work we begin today.



     I would also like to thank Secretary General Boutros Boutros Ghali

and Dr. Nafis Sadik for their inspired leadership in shepherding this

conference from a concept to a reality. Allow me to also thank Prime

minister Brundtland and Prime Minister Bhutto for their leadership and

their contributions to the world's efforts to deal with this vital

issue.



     Most importantly, I want to acknowledge the enormous contributions

of government officials non-governmental organization representatives,

and private citizens toward addressing one of the greatest challenges --

and greatest opportunities -- of the coming century. We owe all of you

who have been involved in this process a debt of gratitude.



     We would not be here today if we were not convinced that the rapid

and unsustainable growth of human population was an issue of the utmost

urgency. It took 10,000 generations for the world's population to reach

two billion people. Yet over the past 50 years, we have gone from two

billion to more than five and a half billion. And we are on a path to

increase to nine or 10 billion over the next 50 years. Ten thousand

generations to reach two billion and then in one human lifetime -- ours

-- we leap from two billion toward 10 billion.



     These numbers are not by themselves the problem . But the

startlingly new pattern they delineate is a symptom of a much larger and

deeper spiritual challenge now facing humankind. Will we acknowledge our

connections to one another or not? Will we accept responsibility for the

consequences of the choices we make or not? Can we find ways to work

together or will we insist on selfishly exploring the limits of human

pride? How can we come to see in the faces of others our own hopes and

dreams for the future? Why is it so hard to recognize that we are all

part of something larger than ourselves?



     Of course these are timeless questions that have always

characterized the human condition. But they now have a new urgency

precisely because we have reached a new stage of human history -- a

stage defined not just by the meteoric growth in human numbers but also

by the unprecedented Faustian powers of the new technologies we have

acquired during these same 50 years -- technologies which not only bring

us new benefits but also magnify the consequences of age-old behaviors

to extremes that all too often exceed the wisdom we bring to our

decisions to use them.



     For example, warfare is an ancient human habit -- but the

invention of nuclear weapons so radically altered the consequences of

this behavior that we were forced to find new ways of thinking about the

relationship between nuclear states in order to avoid the use of these

weapons. Similarly, the oceans have always been a source of food, but

new technologies like 40-mile long driftnets coupled with sophisticated

sonar equipment to precisely locate fish have severely depleted or

seriously distressed every ocean fishery on our planet. Thus, we have

begun to curtail the use of driftnets.



     But it is becoming increasingly clear that our margin for error is

shrinking as the rapid growth of population is combined with huge and

unsustainable levels of consumption in the developed countries, powerful

new tools for exploiting the earth and each other and a willful refusal

to take responsibility for the future consequences of the choices we

make.



     Economically, rapid population growth often contributes to the

challenge of addressing persistent low wages, poverty and economic

disparity.



     Population trends also challenge the ability of societies,

economies and governments to make the investments they need in both

human capital and infrastructure.



     At the level of the family, demographic trends have kept the

world's investment in its children -- especially girls -unacceptably

low.



     For individuals, population growth and high fertility are closely

linked to the poor health and diminished opportunities of millions upon

millions of women, infants and children and population pressures often

put strains on hopes for stability at the national and international

level. Look, for example at the 20 million refugees in our world who

have no homes. The delegates to this conference have helped to create a

widely shared understanding of these new realities. But what is truly

remarkable about this conference is not only the unprecedented degree of

consensus about the nature of the problem, but the degree of consensus

about the nature of the solution.



     A real change has occurred during the last several years in the

way most people in the world look at and understand this problem And the

change is part of a larger philosophical shift in the way most people

have begun to think about many large problems. There used to be an

automatic tendency -- especially in the developed world -- to think

about the process of change in terms of single causes producing single

effects. And thus. when searching for the way to solve a particular

problem, however large, it seemed natural enough to search for the

single most prominent "cause" of the problem and then address it

forcefully. many divisive arguments resulted between groups advocating

the selection of different causes as the "primary" culprit deserving of

full attention.



     Thus, when it became clear that new medical technologies were

bringing dramatic declines in death rates but not in birth rates many

pioneers in the effort to address the population question settled on the

notion that the lack of contraceptives was the primary problem and

argued that making them widely available everywhere would produce the

effect we desired -- the completion of the demographic transition with

the achievement of low birth rates as well as low death rates.



     But as it became clear that contraception alone seldom led to the

change nations were seeking to bring about, other single causes were

afforded primary attention.



     For example in the historic Bucharest conference 20 years ago,

when thoughtful people noticed that most of the societies which had

stabilized their population growth were wealthy, industrial and

"developed", it seemed logical to conclude -- in the phrase common at

the time -"development is the best contraceptive."



     Meanwhile, some insights from developing countries were given

insufficient attention. For example some African leaders were arguing

30 years ago that "the most powerful contraceptive in the world is the

confidence of parents that their children will survive."



     And in places like Karen, in southwestern India, local leaders

were making economic development more accessible by giving women as well

as men access to education and high levels of literacy, while at the

same time providing good child and maternal health care as well as

widespread access to contraception. And in the process they found that

their population growth rate fell to nearly zero.



     The world has also learned from developing countries that the

wrong kind of rapid economic development -- the kind that is inequitable

and destructive of traditional culture, the environment and human

dignity -- can lead to the disorientation of society and a lessened

ability to solve all problems -- including population. But here, at

Cairo, there is a new and very widely shared consensus that no single

one of these solutions is likely to be sufficient by itself to produce

the pattern of change we are seeking. However, we also now agree that

all of them together, when simultaneously present for a sufficient

length of time, will reliably bring about a systemic change to low birth

and death rates and a stabilized population. In this new consensus,

equitable and sustainable development and population stabilization go

together. The education and empowerment of women, high levels of

literacy, the availability of contraception and quality health care:

these factors are all crucial.



     They cannot be put off until development takes place; they must

accompany it -- and indeed should be seen as part of the process by

which development is hastened and made more likely.



     This holistic understanding is representative of the approach we

must take in addressing other problems that cry out for attention.

Recognizing connections and interrelationships is one of the keys. For

example. the future of developed countries is connected to the prospects

of developing countries. It is partly for this reason that we in the

United States wish to choose this occasion to affirm unequivocally all

human rights! including the right to development. Let us be clear in

acknowledging that persistent high levels of poverty in our world

represent a principal cause of human suffering, environmental

degradation instability -and rapid population growth.



     But the solution -- like the solution to the population challenge

will not be found in any single simplistic answer. It will be found in a

comprehensive approach that combines democracy, economic reform, low

rates of inflation, low levels of corruption, sound environmental

stewardship, free and open markets at home and access to markets in the

developed countries.



     We must also acknowledge-- in developed and developing countries

alike the connection between those of us alive today and the future

generations that will inherit the results of the decisions we make.

indeed, a major part of the spiritual crisis we face in the modern world

is rooted in our obstinate refusal to look beyond the immediacy of our

own needs and wants and instead invest in the kind of future our

children's children have a right to expect. And it should be obvious

that we cannot solve this lost sense of connection to our future merely

through appeals to reason and logic.



Personally, I am convinced that the holistic solution we must seek is

one that is rooted in faith and a commitment to basic human values of

the kind enshrined in all of our major religious traditions and principles

increasingly shared by men and women all around the world:



     The central role of the family.



     The importance of community.



     The freedom of the human spirit.





     The inherent dignity of every individual woman, man and child on

     this planet.



     political, economic and religious freedom.



     universal and inalienable human rights.



     Will we draw upon the richness of these shared principles and

values as we embark on our efforts today, or will we allow ourselves to

be divided by our differences. And there are, of course, differences

that will be extremely difficult to ever fully resolve.



     For example, we are all well aware that views about abortion are

as diverse among nations as among individuals. I want to be clear about

the U.S. position on abortion so that there is no misunderstanding. We

believe that making available the highest quality family planning and

health care services will simultaneously respect women's own desires to

prevent unintended pregnancies, reduce population growth and the rate of

abortion.



     The United States Constitution guarantees every woman within our

borders a right to choose an abortion, subject to limited and specific

exceptions. We are committed to that principle. But let us take a false

issue off the table: the United States does not seek to establish a new

international right to abortion, and we do not believe that abortion

should be encouraged as a method of family planning.



     We also believe that policy making in these matters should be the

province of each government, within the context of its own laws and

national circumstances, and consistent with previously agreed human

rights standards



     In this context, we abhor and condemn coercion related to abortion

or any other matters of reproduction.



     We believe that where abortion is permitted, it should be

medically safe and that unsafe abortion is a matter of women's health

that must be addressed.



     But as we acknowledge the few areas where full agreement among us

is more difficult, let us strengthen our resolve to respect our

differences and reach past them to create what the world might remember

as the "spirit of Cairo" -- a shared and unshakable determination to lay

the foundation for a future of hope and promise.



     This is the opening session. Each of us can play a crucial role in

ensuring the success of this historic endeavor. The essential ingredient

we all must bring to it is our commitment to make it work.



     The Scottish mountain climber W.H. Murray wrote early in this

     century:



     "Until one is committed there is hesitancy, the chance to draw

back, always ineffectiveness. Concerning all acts of initiative...there

is one elementary truth, the ignorance of which kills countless ideas

and splendid plans: that the moment one definitely commits oneself, then

providence moves too."



     I saw this truth in operation earlier this year at the southern

end of this continent when I represented my country at the inauguration

of Nelson Mandela.



     As he raised his hand to take the oath, I suddenly remembered a

Sunday morning four years earlier when he was released from prison and

my youngest child, then seven, joined me to watch live television

coverage of the event and asked why the entire world was watching this

person regain his freedom , .When I explained as best I could my son

again asked "Why" After a series of "why", I began to feel frustrated

-- but I suddenly realized what a rare privilege it was to explain to a

child the existence of such an extraordinary positive event when I, like

other parents, had so often been confronted with the burden of

explaining to my children the existence of evil and terrible tragedies

and injustices in our world.



     So as President Mandela completed his oath, I resolved that I

would spend the next several days in South Africa trying to understand

how this wonderful development had occurred.



     And what I found -- in addition to the well-known courage and

vision of both Mandela and DeKlerk -- was the key ingredient that had

not received emphasis in the news coverage: ordinary men and women of

all ethnic backgrounds and all walks of life quietly had made up their

minds that they were going to reach across the barriers that divided

them and join hands to create a future much brighter than any they had

been told was possible to even imagine.



     We here today have the same choice and the same opportunity: will we

give to our children's children the burden of explaining to their

children the reason why unspeakable tragedies that could have been

avoided occur in their lives?



     Or will we give them the privilege and joy of explaining the

occurrence of unusually positive developments -- the foundations for

which were laid here at this place in this time? The choice is ours. Let

us resolve to make it well.


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