Millennium Summit of the United Nations
Address
of
Honourable Lakshman Kadirgamar
Special Envoy of the President of Sri
Lanka
Her Excellency Chandrika Bandaranaike
Kumaratunga
and
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Friday 8 September 2000
United Nations Headquarters
Mr. President
Excellencies
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I have the honour to
deliver, on behalf of the President of Sri Lanka, Her Excellency Chandrika
Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, the following message to the Millennium Summit.
Forty four years ago,
when the United Nations was still young and full of hope, a former Prime
Minister of Sri Lanka, my late father, S W R D Bandaranaike, addressing the
General Assembly from this very podium said (quote) “the prevention of war is a
necessary factor for peace, but peace is something much more positive than
that. In its true sense it means human understanding, human friendship and co-operation
out of which, indeed, peace in its true form alone can rise. The United Nations
is the one machine available to mankind today through which it can express this
unconquerable spirit of man in his efforts to achieve that peace, friendship
and collaboration"(unquote).
As the new millennium opens I ask myself - is the
world a better place to live in today than it was 40 years ago? In some ways
yes, in other ways no. Stark contrasts still abound. The unconquerable spirit
of man remains undimmed. He has dived to the bottom of the oceans, he and his
machines have soared to the highest heavens. Medical and surgical miracles have
prolonged his life. Technological marvels in the fields of information and
communication continue to dazzle us. But while undreamt of wealth and affluence
have been generated in some quarters of the globe, in others mankind has
plunged deeper into the abyss of poverty, hunger, disease and squalor. These
problems remain to be addressed- and addressed urgently. We have been
spared the horrors of another global war - an achievement for which the
United Nations deserves great credit
but there is
turmoil all around us. New threats have arisen to the stability and security of
States. That is the problem I wish to address today.
“Peace amongst All
States” and “Peace amongst All Peoples within States “so that All, and not only
some, may in safety, without fear; in dignity, without humiliation; in good
health; and, in material and spiritual well-being enjoy the wonders of
Life on this miracle we call the Planet Earth". Such is my dream, such my
hope, for the future at this Millennium Summit.
However,
"how do we all (All States and All Peoples within States) go from dream to
reality ?”.
Of the problems that
could then arise - the problems of limited resources, competing
priorities, cost-effective procedures, catastrophic disruptions, I shall
not speak today.
But, I would like to speak today on
the fundamentals of the United Nations structure - the fundamentals that
we must protect and preserve for the future.
It is here in the General Assembly of the United Nations, that
"'Representatives" of Governments of "Peoples" of
"'States" gather in solemn assembly, governed by a Charter that assures States of their "sovereign equality", their
"political independence", their "territorial integrity".
"States",
"Peoples", "'Governments", "'Representatives",
"The Charter of the United Nations" - these are the
fundamentals of the United Nations.
This Organisation,
essential and pragmatic but still very fragile, reflects those fundamentals in
its origins and composition, in its structure and capacities, and in its
limitations.
And always at the core, we find the entity we know
as "'the State". That is as it should be. "States" are the
principal organisational entities into which the peoples of this planet have
gathered, and the "'inter-states system" is the principal
organisational edifice of the international community. If "'States"
weaken, so will this Organisation. If "'States" are diminished, so
will this Organisation be diminished; for the entity we know as the
"State", there is no substitute.
Let us remember that "'States" are
corporate entities of enormous complexity differing entirely from the corporate
entities of the private sector that are usually of single or limited purpose,
and often authoritarian in management styles.
If the management of a developed "State"
with more than adequate resources be a complex undertaking, how much more
complex would be the management of a multi-ethnic, multi-religious,
post-colonial, developing "State" where the legacies of
centuries of a colonial past take more than one generation to erase?
Where there is the use of armed force against a
"State", as in my country, the complexities within a
"State" compound themselves many times over.
My country, Sri Lanka, has had for many years an
armed conflict within its territory that has complicated the lives of the
entire population of the country. It is a conflict of an extraordinary nature.
A very small group, schooled in and totally devoted to violence; standing
outside the processes of peaceful society and participatory governance;
achieving, through the practice of systematic terror, a national and
international notoriety; rejecting all overtures for settlement of differences
through dialogue; sustained by massive funding and other support from
expatriates settled in countries of goodwill and open heart, continues to
""battle" the "State".
Such is not a phenomenon indigenous to Sri Lanka
alone. The Secretary-General in his Report to the General Assembly in
1997 on his "Proposals for United Nations Reform", referred to the
powerful threats to government authority and civil society from networks of,
crime, narcotics, money laundering and terrorism.
When the security and integrity of one State is
threatened by an armed group within it, it surely behoves all other States to
deny that armed group any encouragement, succour or safe haven. That is my plea
today on behalf of Sri Lanka.
A democratic State, because of its openness, its
laws, traditions and practices, its commitment to tolerance and dissent, is
especially vulnerable to the deployment of force against it by any group within
its boundaries. An internal armed challenge to any State anywhere is a
challenge to all States everywhere. Unless all States, democratic States in
particular, agree to come to the aid of a State thus in peril, democracy itself
will be imperiled everywhere. Democracy will not survive.