SWEDEN

Mr. President,

The individual human being must always be at the centre of our work.

Burmese students fighting for democracy, Victims of ethnic violence in Kosovo, women in Afghanistan denied their right to education and equality, children dying of curable diseases, people simply trying to survive in utmost poverty ‑ they have given us our task. Meeting the needs of the peoples, and realizing their aspirations remain the starting-point, the purpose and the vision of our organization.

But the UN will only be what we, its members, allow it to be. This year's General Assembly provides an occasion to revitalize our much needed, but often critizised, global organization. The Secretary-General's excellent report on the Role of the UN in the 21st Century provides a firm basis for the creation of a truly modern UN. That is, a UN with maintained legitimacy and increased credibility, greater efficiency and continued global relevance.

Mr. President,

Globalization opens the market to those who have the resources and instruments to benefit from it. Globalization makes knowledge and information available to those who have the tools and skills to make use of the new technology.

Globalization brings opportunities to improve life for all people, but it has also lead to an increasing gap between those who can take advantage and others who are left behind.

Safeguarding the universal and indivisible rights and values of humanity is a key responsibility for the UN in the age of globalized economy, technology and communications.

The world community has to do its utmost to integrate the least developed countries into the global economy. Solidarity and responsibility, from all countries, is necessary for reaching the international development targets, and for contributing to an improved standard of living for all people. Solidarity and responsibility is essential in fighting two of the greatest threats to development and human security in our time - Poverty and HIV/Aids.

We need to work with a wide range of measures to overcome these threats. Sustained and increased official development assistance remains of vital importance. Today, only four countries, Sweden among them, meet the UN target of 0,7per cent of gross national income in development aid. But we must also look at financing for development in a broader perspective. Domestic resources, trade, international finance and official development assistance must all be taken into account. Sweden wants an integrated approach to development. We welcome that the UN, the World Bank, the IMF, the WTO, and others are working together in preparing next year's High Level events on these issues.

The start of new negotiations under the WTO can be an important contribution to growth and development. Let us together make sure that such negotiations truly turn into a "development round". The major trading nations have already committed themselves to give free market access to products from the least developed countries. It is time to put these commitments into effect.

Mr. President,

There is no contradiction between development and human rights.

Development benefits from respect for the human rights and participation of all citizens. And discrimination and oppression is a threat to development.

For women in many parts of the world discrimination means being excluded from participation in the economic and political fields - their potential contribution is lost. Two thirds of all illiterates are women. For millions of women domestic Violence is a daily reality. This is not in accordance with the basic values of our international community - and it is a major obstacle for sustainable development.

The legal basis for ending discrimination exists - with the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women - and the new agreement of the special session in June.

For the children, next year's special session of the General Assembly provides an excellent opportunity to set a global and concrete agenda. The Convention on the Rights of the Child is the basis for this agenda, to reduce forcefully maternal mortality, to give more children access to primary school, and to promote participation of young people in shaping our societies. Girls must be given the same rights and opportunities as boys. I thus welcome the Secretary-General's new initiative - the UN system-Wide Girls' Education.

A growing problem in many countries and regions is trafficking in human beings, especially exposing women and children to sexual exploitation and to forced labour. These criminal acts call for out immediate attention and a forceful reaction from the international community. We need - and actively seek - closer cooperation, between Europe, Asia and others, in order to develop strong and efficient measures to fight this appalling Violation of human rights.

True respect of human dignity requires an end to the use of the death penalty. This brutal and irrevocable form of punishment has no place in a modern, civilized society. It is time for the international community to fully recognize the most fundamental human right, the right to life, by international law.

Mr. President,

Disrespect for democracy and human rights paves the way for crisis and conflict. National sovereignty is firmly coupled with a Government's responsibility to protect and promote human rights of the individual. It is the duty of the international community - and our duty as political leaders - to act and react when human rights and fundamental freedoms are violated. We cannot idly stand by when people are being brutalized behind national borders.

In many armed conflicts, deliberate terror directed against civilians is used to create fear. Women suffer from violence and rape. Children are denied their dignity and childhood when forced to become soldiers. Men arc imprisoned in concentration camps, forced to take sides - or killed. Lives and families are ruined, and the perpetrators often go unpunished. Kosovo and Sierra Leone are but a few examples.

Strengthening international law and humanitarian law does increase the protection of the individual. It also creates confidence amongst people, since it demonstrates that a culture of impunity will not be tolerated. A good example was the decision by the Security Council to set up a special court to try those responsible for war crimes during the conflict in Sierra Leone.

The establishment of an International Criminal Court will give us a safer and more just world. Suspected perpetrators of crimes against humanity can and will be tried in accordance with international law, whenever national courts are unable or unwilling to do so. There is a strong need for joint and early action to make the International Criminal Court operational and end the culture of impunity.

The past year saw a new honesty in drawing conclusions from previous mistakes in handling international crisis - of our own shortcomings. I want to congratulate the Secretary-General for having initiated the studies of our failures in Bosnia and Rwanda. The lessons learned from the chilling reports on the massacre in Srebrenica and on the genocide in Rwanda, as well as from the senseless terror in East Timor, must be put to constructive use in the future.

National sovereignty cannot, in our view, be used as an excuse to prevent the UN from taking necessary measures when fundamental humanitarian values are at stake. It is our common responsibility to make sure that commitments are made and that the resources for peace-operations are available when needed. My government warmly welcomes the recommendations in the Brahimi-report, for example concerning core funding for UN headquarters support for peacekeeping operations. By implementing the many recommendations in the report, the UN's capacity to act will be significantly strengthened.

Mr. President,

If the Security Council cannot act in an urgent situation, due to a veto or the threat of a veto, its credibility - and its legitimacy - suffers. Necessary action ought not to be hindered or blocked by a veto. Now is the time for the permanent members to agree on a moratorium on the use of the veto.

The credibility of the Security Council is of vital interest not only to its members but to the UN membership at large. All efforts should be made to use the Security Council as a forum for negotiations and decisions, in order to avoid the unnecessary threat of, or use of, the veto, but also to avoid unilateral action whereby the Council is circumvented.

A modern UN requires a Security Council that reflects the realities of today's international relations. The Council should therefore be enlarged to make room for an increased representation of countries, not least from the developing world. We should also be prepared to periodically review the composition of the Security Council. At stake is the global relevance of the Security Council in a world vastly different from that in 1945.

Mr. President,

The recent developments in Korea show that also long-lasting tension can be challenged through enlightened statesmanship. But the absence of armed conflict does not equal lasting peace. It is essential to address the root causes of violent conflict, by building democracy and safeguarding human rights, by promoting economic and social development, by removing trade barriers and debt burdens.

There is no alternative to the United Nations in preventing and, if needed, managing conflicts. The UN provides legitimacy for global action. But the UN alone can not meet the needs and demands in this area. Cooperation between the UN and regional entities could be further developed. Sweden believes that the civilian and military capacity for crisis management and conflict prevention now being developed by the European Union in the future could be put to use by the UN. We will continue to work for a close cooperation between the EU and the UN on these matters, during the Swedish presidency of the EU in the spring 2001.

During the past year, the Security Council has placed emphasis on early action and on the need to focus on the prevention of violent conflicts. This is a policy choice with long-term implications. Sweden strongly supports this shift towards identifying and taking early measures. We are prepared to work with other countries to support the Secretary-General in the development of a comprehensive conflict prevention strategy.

Improved interaction between the Security Council and ECOSOC, other UN bodies and the Bretton Woods institutions, including the use of joint fact-finding missions, will facilitate early action. Sweden would like to see the establishment of a standing fact-finding mechanism at the disposal of the Secretary-General, as a complement to Security Council missions. Such a mechanism could be utilized at an early stage in an emerging crisis situation, without undue delays.

Another part of a UN strategy should be to explore and develop the link between democracy and prevention of violent conflict. Democracy offers peaceful ways of handling conflicts and different interests. Democratization is a process in which the holding of elections only should be the first step in a long-term international commitment. Establishing peace and democracy takes a lot more than free and fair elections.

The sanctions instrument needs to be refined to become truly effective. By now, we have ample evidence that sweeping economic sanctions frequently do more harm than good. The guiding principle should be to exert the strongest possible pressure on the decision-makers, while no effort should be spared to avoid negative effects on civilians.

Every future sanctions regime ought to consist of sharp and enforceable measures, directed against the factors that cause and fuel crisis or conflict. Sweden stands ready to contribute actively to the debate on how this instrument of the UN Charter can be made more efficient.

Mr. President,

To promote disarmament and prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass-destruction remains a major challenge for the UN and its member states.

The result of this year's review conference of the nuclear non‑proliferation treaty gives certain hope in this regard.

‑ For the first time in many years, a consensus document on the agenda for nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament was adopted.

‑ For the first time ever, the nuclear-weapons-states unconditionally pledged to totally eliminate their nuclear arsenals.

- For the first time, a number of practical steps were identified for how to work towards this goal.

A world free from nuclear weapons will not be achieved overnight. Nor are these steps to be taken in a distant future or held hostage to states' perception of the appropriate strategic balance. The momentum achieved at the NPT conference has to be sustained. All states ought to immediately cease production of nuclear weapons and fissile material for weapons purposes. The Conference on Disarmament should now start its work on a ban on such material. The world community's efforts to prevent the further production of nuclear weapons must not be blocked by China, India, Pakistan or any other state. It is high time to bring the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty into force. We expect all states to live up to their commitments.

The United States plans for a national missile defence system causes concern. In today's globalized world, we must always take account of the global effects of our decisions. It is hard to see how a possible threat, from a few states, would best be countered by a missile shield that may or may not work, particularly since it risks setting off a renewed arms race, with immense costs in terms of wasted resources and loss of human security. The recent announcement by the US administration to postpone the decision on the NMD system was welcome.

A more secure world ought to be built on cooperation rather than on isolation and confrontation. The ABM treaty is crucial to global security and must not be jeopardised.

A major cause of concern is the uncontrolled and destabilizing spread of small arms and light weapons. The international conference on illicit traffic in small arms and light weapons next year will be an important opportunity to address the issue in a comprehensive way. We hope that it can agree on a concrete action-plan in the global, regional and national context.

Mr. President,

The United Nations today is stronger and leaner than three years ago when the Secretary-General launched his reform programme. But there is still work to be done, for example regarding the interplay between the main bodies of the UN. We should give the Secretary-General the full authority to act in his leadership role. We support the Secretary-General's proposal for a shorter, more focused agenda for the General Assembly and for a restructuring of its work.

Another main issue for the Millennium Assembly is to reach an agreement on the scales of assessment for the regular UN budget and for peacekeeping operations. While it is imperative that all members pay their dues on time, in full and without conditions, Sweden believes that a reordering of UN contributions can be considered. The aim, however, must always be a fairer distribution of the financial burden among member states, adapted to today's realities, and with capacity to pay as the guiding principle.

The UN must not be used as a scapegoat when the real problem is lack of political will or hesitance from us member states to provide necessary resources. Accordingly, any call for action must be followed by a pledge to provide the personnel or financial means.

Mr. President,

The UN, with its global character and legitimacy, can make a difference, for mankind as well as for the individual.

Behind the much used term globalization there are billions of people. They want us to provide hope. They expect us to act responsibly. They need to see concrete results.

We are here, representing them, on a mission to make the UN a true guardian of human dignity.

Thank you.