NAMIBIA
H.E.DR.
THEO-BEN GURIRAB,MP
MINISTER
FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
INFORMATION
AND BROADCASTING
OF THE
REPUBLIC OF NAMIBIA
OF THE
FIFTY-FIFTH SESSION OF THE
UNITED
NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
NEW YORK,
20 SEPTEMBER 2000
Mr. President,
This is
not the place nor the time for me to keep on repeating what my Head of State
and I had said in speeches on most of the critical national, regional and
international issues. On those issues, Namibia's position is unchanged and my
views remain valid. There are, however, some specific matters that, I feel,
require reiteration. That is what I am going to do today.
Not too
long ago in these corridors, an unprecedented 150 Heads of State and Government
participated in the historic Millennium Summit, appropriately dubbed "We the Peoples: The Rote of the
United Nations in the 21st Century".
The Millennium Declaration, the
result of this concerted effort to meet the daunting challenges of this century
with boldness and courage in a truly global united front, is destined to take
its place alongside the Charter of the United Nations as one of the mast
seminal documents of all time. In responding to the peoples' fervent clarion
call to redefine and vigorously support the United Nations mandates and
programmes and to meet the challenges of HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases
which threaten to decimate our populations, while leaving millions of others
too weak to derive value from life, the world leaders undertook, before the
whole world, to save humanity from the scourge of war, fear and want.
The citizens of the world paid
witness to the sober promises of the Millennium Summit. They wait in earnest
for Member States to make good on the pledges made in the Millennium
Declaration They, the peoples, as our ultimate constituents, are indeed the
ones we serve. They are skeptical because of failures to make good on previous
pledges, yet expecting for us to implement the undertakings we have made in
this Summit, committing whatever resource of material or heart it calls for.
For our part, therefore, we must find the collective political will to mobilise
the necessary resources to implement their commitments. We must also reconnect
with the passion that drove the leaders of the world to found the United Nations,
determined to spare humanity from the devastation of war and deprivation.
In responding to this clarion call,
Member States must forge a new global partnership between the wealthy and
powerful nations and those whose present circumstances leave them mired in
the seemingly intractable maze of a merry-go-round type of development. The
North must be gracious and generous and given enough of what has, been acquired
from global resources to assist poor and weak countries to help propel them
into the orbit of sustainable and irreversible social and economic growth
For its park the South must not only take sober, stock of our present challenges,
but also devote energy and creativity to genuinely engage all our countries
in a common effort at social development and human security. To do so, we
must rise above the temptation to settle scores through armed conflict, place
the will and genius of our people at the helm of national reconstruction and
give prominence to the credo written in stone on the wall which adorns the
courtyard adjacent to the General Assembly, to "turn our swords into
plough shares". It is the marriage of this dual commitment of the wealthy
and strong, and the presently poor and weak nations which comes in its womb
the child of a new world, aglow in global peace, development and prosperity.
Alongside the Millennium Summit
were other major activities at the United Nations and elsewhere in New York of
great import. The Security Council conducted its own high-level consultations,
culminating in a categorical commitment, especially to Africa, towards development,
peace and security on the continent. The conference of presiding officers of
the world's parliaments resolved to work closely with the United Nations in
pursuit of people-centred goals. The World Peace Summit which brought religious
leaders from practically all faiths, in its declaration, "Commitment to Global Peace", in addition to recognising
the gender equality, declared all religions to be equal and condemned any
violence perpetuated in the name of religion The NGOs, that in their Summit
earlier in May had called for a global solidarity, in which corporations would
demonstrate a greater sense of social responsibility, especially in the pursuit
of the benefits of globalisation, reaffirmed their advocacy for social change
in their DPI/NGO Forum in August.
Together, participants in all
these gatherings sought to help redefine the pivotal role of the United Nations
and all other world organisations in the new millennium towards uplifting the
peoples of the world. The active role of grassroots organisations, both in
their own conference and in their interaction with all the other conferences,
is a clear sign that "We the Peoples" are actually now firmly
reclaiming their legitimate right to be heard wherever States are discussing a
new beginning in human relations and the future of the United Nations - our
common family. Bearing this in mind, the world's leaders made a special
commitment to Africa to
implement "special measures to address the challenges of poverty
eradication and sustainable development" through such actions as debt
cancellation, increased investment and greater access to markets and
technology. All human footprints start with the first lonely step.
Mr. President,
We had witnessed robust and
generous spirit of teamwork from member States in preparing for the General
Assembly's Millennium Summit and galvanising partnership for a successful
outcome. In the fullness of time, it all came together and we got it right to
the satisfaction of all. It was collaboration rather than competition. Thorns
and all, what a beautiful rose it turned out to be!
In Africa, we say no one man can
put his hands around a baobab tree. It requires many hands joined together to
form a circle around that proverbial tree. I thank all my collaborators. We are
all winners and the integrity of the United Nations remains not just intact,
but enhanced.
I remember though what my
President and Co-Chairperson of the Millennium Summit, Dr. Sam Nujoma, stressed
in his closing statement: "We have adopted a historic Declaration with a
vision for the future. The Declaration in itself will not put bread on the
tables, stop wars, and erase poverty. We can therefore not afford to go home
and continue business as usual." That is the question and indeed the
challenge for the United Nations and the global community. And his counterpart
and President of Finland, Ms. Tarja Iiaionen, echoed the sentiments in her own
closing speech.
Mr. President,
Against the backdrop of those
profound circumstances and events relating to the Millennium Summit, we welcome
a fortunate coincidence which has set the stage for your unanimous election as
President of the 55t` Session of the General Assembly, together with the
eminent members of your bureau. I congratulate you all warmly and assure you of
Namibia's steadfast cooperation.
In my acceptance speech of 14
September 1999, I complained about a creeping but steady derogation of the
General Assembly's functions and powers contrary to the letter and spirit of
the relevant provisions of the
Charter of the United Nations. This situation hardly changed for the
better during the past year. If anything, the encroachment intensified. I have
decided to speak up so that we no longer take things for granted in the ensuing
months.
I found the Office of the
President of the General Assembly as the main target of this unacceptable
denigration. In the animal kingdom, the predator goes for the head or the
jugular to incapacitate the prey. Well, that seems to be the case here. For
some time now - prior to my tenure of office - we had been discussing practical
ways and means to strengthen the Office of the President to ensure its capacity
and effectiveness.
In light of this, I would suggest,
subject of course to the President's disposition, an early planning meeting
involving the President, Chairman of the Fifth Committee and Chairman of ACABQ
to review this situation and to act upon what had already been agreed, including
adequate resources. Arty President of the General Assembly should not be
subjected to the whims of faceless bureaucrats, as if he/she is asking for.
personal favours.
In this context, two key
paragraphs in the Millennium Declaration are apropos. First, paragraph 30
underscores the commitment to "reaffirm the central position of the
General Assembly as the chief deliberative, policy-making and representative
organ of the United Nations, and to enable it to play that role
effectively". This is a clear and categorical reaffirmation of the
centrality of the Assembly, notwithstanding the existing and desirable division
of labour or complementary functions among the principal organs.
Second, in paragraph 31 which is
operational, the Heads of State and Government collectively state: "We
request the General Assembly to review on a regular basis the progress made in
implementing the provisions of this Declaration, and ask the Secretary-General
to issue periodic reports for consideration by the General Assembly and as a
basis for further action."
Another suggestion is that under
the President's authority, the Bureau should act as an executive arm of the
Office of the President, superintending the work of the Assembly and interacting
vertically with the heads of the other UN bodies. We always have a solid team
consisting of the President, 21 Vice-Presidents and the Chairpersons of the
six Main Committees for this crucial task. I was privileged with a team of
able Ambassadors and at times even higher personalities assisting me, to all
of whom I remain grateful. The Bureau should be formalized as a political
mechanism.
What we
should be striving for is a formalised system of regular consultations, and
better coordination of mandates and action in which the right hand knows what
the left hand is doing, at all times.
Mr.
President,
While I
will leave these hallowed halls soon and return to my duties as Namibia's
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Information and Broadcasting, my heart and soul
will always be walking the routines of the General Assembly. Namibia's
celebrated case for self-determination, freedom and achievement of independence
and greater part of my own personal story - perhaps a bit unlike that of any of
my predecessors as Assembly's Presidents to date - are written on these
majestic halls; and indeed it is actually here ad nowhere else that you can
appreciate the roots and the systemic evolution of the United Nations itself.
Mr. President,
Now I want to express
some views of my own about the latest buzzword: globalisation. I will also
respond to what some say that the peoples of the Third World
should not run away in fright from globalisation. Frankly speaking,
globalisation is merely a new name for an old, cruel and unjust system which
was willy-nilly imposed upon the peoples of the Third World in the past.
Globalisation is, at least, 500 years old in the case of Africa. As someone
bluntly put it, "Globalisation is reformation of what we used to call
capitalist imperialism". That's what he said. I think he has a point.
That globalisation forcibly
introduced the iniquities of slave trade, colonial oppression, dispossession of
land, racial bigotry and destruction of our precious lives and cultures. We
cannot be blamed far harbouring painful memories of the marauding usurpers from
Europe peddling the virtues of a civilising mission. Those uninvited intruders
anchored their merchant ships along the coast and put up their foreign flags.
Next, millions of peoples ended up dead, others shipped off to the Diaspora,
while the rest became victims of a brutal system of colonialism. The more the
benefits of globalisation are being advertised, the mare all of it sounds
hypocritical and self-serving.
Nobody is suggesting that we must
run away from globalisation. At the same time, we will keep reminding ourselves
of the lessons of history, lest we forget the ultimate truth that the lion will not lie down with the lamb! Mind
you, industrialisation was not bloodless or painless either.
If per chance, globalisation is to
have genuine efficacy, then we in the Third World, who constitute by far the
majority of the globe, must infuse it with our own vision, our wisdom, our
sense of equity and fair play, the essence of the hard lessons we have learned
from our history and experience. In such an eventuality, we will have to
redesign the basic paradigm of globalisation.
Mr. President,
On the one hand, it is said that
many African States are at risk of missing out on the opportunities offered by
globalisation while, on the other hand, Africans are repeatedly being told to
find answers to African problems. Well, which one is it? This was actually
never said of any other continent or peoples, at their worst hour of imminent
disaster. I don't know, I must admit, how Europe survived the black plague
which decimated its populations in their many hundreds of thousands.
But I know, at least, something
about the contemporary European history of the last 50 plus years. I think of
the devastation and misery in that continent after World War II. Concerted
political will, massive resources and a gigantic plan of action were put in
place to save Europe. It was the famous Marshall
Plan that we Africans were forced to read about in schools that did it. And
Europe was pulled back from a precipice, because of that comprehensive and
coordinated action of solidarity, building together today a strong Union. There
was, it is clear, no idea of abandoning Europe to its own fate. Not only that
There is another instructive
example, that of the remarkable Alliance
far Progress. That laudable initiative assisted Latin America to emerge
from economic and social morass and restored in the people an empowering
confidence for the future. Today, we see the great Mercosur and other
important regional economic and trade groupings fostering economic growth, full
employment and generation of wealth for the benefit all in that vital part of
the world. For me, that represents the true meaning of human brotherhood and
prosper thy neighbour.
Africa's key Western cooperating
partners should not hold the view that those two examples were unique
circumstances from the far remote past and so far removed from today's
hardships and misery that Africa and its people are experiencing.
But only when the pledges made by
the world leaders are translated into concrete programmes and substantial
resources are made available to achieve the time-boundtargets set by the
Millennium Summit can we in Africa. take comfort in and draw strength from the
recent inspiring commitments. Though nobility of mind is a necessary prelude to
magnanimity, performance is the only vindication of its efficacy.
Because, human beings are not
known for mental quantum leaps disregarding embedded social consciousness.
Humans tend to hold on to painful memories and keep reminding their tormentors
of their obligation. Hence the persistent demands in Africa, in Europe, in Asia
and other places for atonement, reparations, compensation and insistence on the
return of all stolen cultural artworks, precious relics and sacred icons from
abroad to their place of origin - lock, stock and barrel. Africans who were
wronged more than or, if you will, at least as much as any other group of
people, are legitimately entitled to justice on political, legal, and
humanitarian grounds. Now is the time to settle that unfinished business and
moral deficit.
Mr. President,
My good friend said the other day
that the best form of diplomacy is to tell the truth. I have some truthful
things I want to direct to my own camp - the Third World. My
remarks will be in a generalising
made and are likely going to be annoying to some of my friends. But, in
Africa, candour, no matter how sometimes distressing, is not only a form of
democracy, but a language for protecting and strengthening the family. So i am
sure that they too will understand, became all of it comes from the heart.
I believe we urgently need to
review our priorities and map out a new strategy in order to effectively
and in unity deal with the battles ahead. Once again, we must stand up for our
legitimate and just rights. My brother Foreign Minister from a small Caribbean
state pointed out, that "there are new forms of war currently being waged
on the small, the weak and the vulnerable" in the countries of the South
While this is a confirmation of the obvious, the situation is quite serious.
Ironically, in the South we are
waging unconscionable and destructive wars against one another, militarily
invading and occupying neighbouring sovereign states, under the pretext of
security or alleged historical reasons. In the process, we create, by omission
or commission, convenient troubled waters for the outsiders to fish in. Nations
are burning and peoples are dying of bullets, hunger and infectious diseases.
We are destroying ourselves. This must stop.
We really have nobody to blame but
ourselves. Rationalisations and excuses after a fait accompli
stink to high heavens. We must regroup and concentrate on development, poverty
eradication, regional cooperation and integration. We have agreed to promote a
culture of peace, to practice tolerance and to enlarge opportunities for
peaceful co-existence. The Havana South Summit and its plan of action gave us
an impetus to push ahead in unity and solidarity for our common survival. The
people are tired of wars; they want food security and life-saving human
progress. They want creative leisure and the right of a coherent and planned
future for themselves and their families, devoid of fear and heart-rending
traumas of violence.
Mr. President,
We have before us the current
report of the Working Group (the full title is unduly cumbersome) which has
been dealing, for more than six years now, with the reform and increase in the
membership of the Security Council. When the report is debated, Namibia will
give its specific views on its contents. Suffice it for me to take this
opportunity to heartily commend and congratulate Ambassadors John de Saram of
Sri Lanka and Hans Dahlgren of Sweden, who served as Vice-Chairmen, under my
leadership, for their total devotion and hard work that produced a thoughtful
report.
I strongly urge Member Statue to
read the report carefully and reflect on the constructive proposals that are
offered in it. While the negotiations on reform must continue and given the
fact that we now have a much clearer picture in respect of the specific open
questions, we should revisit the earlier - all or nothing - "package
deal" approach. The reform process cannot just continue ad infinitum.
It was by no means meant to become
art end unto itself. We ought to take a cue from the urgings of the world
leaders to move on and show concrete progress as soon as possible. The emphasis
on the role of the UN in the 21st Century necessarily means completing its overall reform without further
delay, so that it can perform that role
effectively. For the developing
countries, the hour is already too late. We have nothing to gain by dragging
our feet.
Mr. President,
I would also like, in just few
wards, to express my astonishment about the contradictory comments that I heard
recently about the question of good
governance. Domestically, in the developing countries, good governance has been turned into sort of a rigid dogma by
foreign powers. But when we call for rapid democratisation of and transparency
in international relations, open trade and financial rules and good
governance, they simply ignore our views willy-nilly. What do we make of
this paradox?
At least, we have now agreed that
there is no commonly accepted
definition and practice of good
governance anywhere. This was established during the consultations for the Millennium Summit's
preparations. It is, therefore, better far us from now on to put emphasis more on transparent and accountable governance,
while we continue debating its essential properties that are acceptable to all.
At this stage, I will touch on same issues that require reiterating for clarity. To begin with, South-North dialogue encompasses a broad field from political and diplomatic exchanges through trade, poverty eradication, investment, technology, industrialisation, capacity-building and financing for development to empower people.
A recent cover story in TIME
magazine featured our esteemed Secretary-General. It called him a dreamer. In
today's world of doomed pragmatists and cynics who by to defy any belief in the possibility of a better world for all of us, haw
refreshing it is that United Nations is led by an African who is not afraid to
dream! In variation on the lyrics of a popular song; what the world needs now
are bold dreamers whose knowledge of the challenges to humanity cannot be
questioned, but who believe, nonetheless, in the capacity of men and women to
rise above their best, to move even farther beyond the horizons of human
capability.
That said, questions relating to
development, politics, economics, finance and security unavoidably overlap. So
also do the challenges of world peace, human rights, human development and
human security, social change and prosperity. We cannot, therefore, avoid
stressing inclusive and interdependent global governance that militates against
war, fear and want. Only in this way will all of us be able to partake together
in a culture of peace, dialogue, sharing and common advancement of humanity.
Mr. President,
In such a kinder and inclusive world
we wish to live in, a dreadful notion of humanitarian intervention, by whatever
name, does not fit in. Many of us have expressed strong reactions against
it as a dangerous idea when it surfaced last year. Namibia remains unconvinced
and will continue to oppose any form of unilateral humanitarian intervention
outside the Charter. Whether we like it or not, this is still a world
of diktat by the rich and the powerful
against the poor, the weak and the vulnerable. The South is incapable of initiating
any humanitarian intervention in the North. But the reverse is not only possible;
it can be an ominous certainty. Can Kuwait, Cyprus, Saint Lucia or Namibia really dare launch any humanitarian
intervention anywhere in the world?
They just can't. Quite simply, in a world of lopsided military might, humanitarian
intervention is yet another code-name for colonisation. This issue is on the
agenda and will no doubt be debated again in the Assembly. Namibia will air its strong views when we get
there.
The Charter shows the best way
forward to ensure the maintenance of international peace and security. What we,
the Member States, should concentrate on, therefore, is to speed up the tardy
process of reforming, restructuring and democratising our Organisation better
to pursue its lofty goals and implement the resolutions and decisions that
enjoy overwhelming consensus.
This, in a way, brings up the
excellent and timely Brahimi report on UN peace operations. The report
constitutes a major building-block which can provide a basis for discussing and
resolving all relevant issues and ides for concerted efforts in the field of
preventive diplomacy, conflict resolution and all other challenges and problems
of peacekeeping and peacebuilding.
The next subject I want to deal
with is the recently signed United
Nations Global Compact with transnationat corporations. For us in Namibia,
a country which actively promotes smart partnerships and win-win outcome for
government, business, labour and other key players in the civil society alike,
we see this move as a welcome beginning. However, as they say, trust but verify.
Not too long ago, the UN used to
maintain at the Headquarters a watchdog centre for transnational corporations
to monitor their nefarious global activities and sinister dirty tricks against
the interests of the people. It was closed down for reasons not yet known.
Many of us from the developing
countries ought to remember the call by our leaders in the 1970s for a new
international economic order and what became of it. The UN centre for
transnational corporations was a sincere undertaking to establish a databank and
provide Member States with relevant information for follow-up and decision-making.
The call for a new international economic order was the South's version of
globalisation. Yet our leaders were discredited and the initiative itself was
unceremoniously killed. Its replacement is already wreaking havoc on our
slender prospects for meaningful economic autonomy.
Today, out there in the real
world, many armies of grassroots organisations arid progressive trade unions
are back again on the streets demanding democratisation of international
economic and trade relations, transparency, accountability, justice and fair
play for the poor, the weak and the vulnerable. This is not a passing wave, but
a telling sign of things yet to come.
The United Nations should,
therefore, avoid being caught in the middle of the crossfire. The situation
requires vigilance and leadership to ensure that the corporations do not
entangle the Organisation in their unsavoury dealings that some of them are already
being accused of. I am aware of the written commitments, agreed rules and broad
principles in the Compact. But that's one thing. That aside, this
is only the beginning, and things could go wrong down the road. I did myself
courage constructive partnership between the UN and the private sector. That
doesn't mean, however, that ail that glitters is gold.
One more matter of deep interest
to my country, and indeed to Africa, is Information and Communication
Technology, or ICT. The ICT Revolution is the most significant social,
political and economic phenomenon since the Industrial Revolution. Its ability
to transform societies is commonly acknowledged. Several weeks ago, the ECOSOC
Summit held here at the UN Headquarters focused totally on it.
Yet, ironically, and to some
extent in an uncanny way, this economic panacea has been presented to Africa
not as a tool for self-development and jump-starting global competitiveness,
but as yet another
"crime of incapacity" used to further overburden an already
embattled people.
Our challenge, the challenge to all of us here, and all those who have had a headstart in mobilising this new capacity for the creation of wear and a better world, is what can we do, what must we do, to enable Africa and other developing countries to gain access to the tools of ICT, so that we can take ownership of our own social development and achieve full employment and prosperity?
Those who control this powerhouse
must act quickly and generously to share the benefits of this magic wand,
especially since the sons and daughters of Africa and of the developing world
are in fact amongst the major players in creating this new knowledge. For those
who may begrudge Africa's access to ICT, just think: If ICT enables Africa to
create wealth rather than manage poverty, then in a few years, Africa will be
so developed that you will no longer have to endure the guilt of turning us
away from your front steps.
Mr. President,
In thanking the UN Secretary-General
and his loyal Deputy, Ms. Louise Frechette, for their unstinting support and
encouragement, I will be remiss if I did not mention the General Assembly's chief stewards,
and staff members for their expertise and hard work I extend the same
sentiments to the Security and Protocol Officers for rendering such outstanding
professional services. My heartfelt gratitude to one and all.
Mr. President,
Far Namibia, the year 2000 brought
rededication to service, celebration and thanksgiving. It meant awesome
responsibilities in the General Assembly, including during the Millennium
Summit; in the Security Council; in the World Health
Assembly; and lately in the Chairmanship of SADC, our sub-regional Body. One
needs allies, friends and partners far all this to happen to you; and we are
lucky to have many of them throughout the world. And we sincerely express our
immense indebtedness to all of them
I Thank
You.