On behalf of the people of Djibouti, it is indeed a great pleasure to extend our sincerest greetings to one and all in attendance, in this Millennium Assembly. May I also offer you, Mr. President, our congratulations on your election. Your vast and varied experience will serve the Assembly well.

We must also express our appreciation for the consummate work and achievements of your predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab of Namibia, for the skill and commitment he brought to his task. It is obvious that the accomplishments of the Fifty-fourth session were to a large extent due to his direction, dedication and tireless efforts.

No organization can survive for any period of time, particularly one such as the United Nations, besieged as it is with mounting demands and dwindling resources, without deft, tenacious and creative leadership. The trials and tribulations of the United Nations continued unabated during the past year, in peace, war, conflict, natural disasters, disease, development the list goes on. Yet the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, has managed to refine and move the organization to better fit the demands of the times. Under his enlightened direction, the United Nations continues to play a credible and meaningful international role. For that we are all fortunate.

This being the last General Assembly session of the decade, the century and the millennium, it is indeed an ideal time for us to reflect on the condition of the world and its people. There was a pervasive desire to generate a momentum and energy in both the United Nations and its member states for the coming new millennium, which would help in addressing the critical issues facing us. We have come to realize that the strength of our resolve and will in dealing with the challenge of providing a better, safer and healthier world for its inhabitants, was decisive for mankind. In many respects, however, the issue is still open.

It is perhaps a sign of the times when an overview of the world today must give prominence to a disease, in this case AIDS. It is the new killer with deadly potential. Certainly we are all aware of its terrible toll particularly, in Africa, where it is decimating the youth, professional classes, the labor force as well as health systems. This phenomenon will test the will of the international community, as in other crises, to respond.

Mr. President,

Last year I noted the renewed dialogue between the Palestinians and Israel, which in fact opened a promising opportunity for charting a new course in the Middle East. While the recent Camp David peace negotiations remain suspended, a great deal was accomplished in terms of fully exploring the depth, extent and diversity of issues under discussion. There was at least a workable level of trust, and a clear willingness to discuss the key "final status" issues of borders, settlements, water, refugees, statehood and, above all, the status of Jerusalem. It is difficult, however, to imagine a settlement that does not include Palestinian control of East Jerusalem. Israel's continued claim of the entire city, which would include control of Muslim holy sites in the Walled City, adjoining Muslim and Christian quarters, and selected Arab villages, would be counter productive to peace.

No look at the Middle East can fail to mention the great loss suffered by Syria and the world by the death of its long serving President, Hafez Assad. We wish the new President Bachar Assad all the best in his efforts to follow in the footsteps of his illustrious father.

In other areas of Africa, the conflict in Angola persists, although government forces appear to be gaining the upper hand. As with the conflict in Sierra Leone, the sudden international concern for curtailing the ability of the belligerents to sell the precious minerals of their country on the world market, should hopefully reduce their capacity to wage war. This may be particularly true for both these countries. We are pleased at the measures being taken by the De Beers group and Belgian authorities to close international access to these blood commodities. The same must be done for other commodities as well.

Undoubtedly, the most ominous threat to the continent presently lies in its heartland, the Congo, where the ceasefire arranged last year suffered a series of setbacks and the United Nations has been unable to deploy troops as envisaged. Talks between the government and its opposition appear to have broken off, raising the dangerous specter of a return to civil war, which could be disastrous for the continent. The distraught people of that nation deserve a break from instability and insecurity to be able to enjoy normal life.

In all these critical areas, be it AIDS crisis, pervasive poverty, wars, the environment, human rights abuses, weapons of mass destruction, and lack of development, the United Nations remains the only organization with the requisite experience and know-how to focus and refine the disparate efforts of mankind.

Decisions regarding the maintenance of international peace and security lie with the Security Council which, with the explosion of United Nations membership over the last three decades, has become a highly unrepresentative body. If there is to be confidence in its decisions, there has to be an expansion in its membership both permanent and non-permanent categories, with the extension of permanent membership to both the developed and non-developed countries. The Council should also have access to better intelligence on trouble spots around the world, and some sort of quick response capability. And the mitigation of the spread and impact of conflict need not be made on a selective, ad hoc basis, but across the board, wherever serious humanitarian crises are unfolding.

As I did last year, I again intend to dwell largely on Somalia and again request the indulgence of the Assembly. At that time, Somalia was nearing the final stages of disintegration, following years of political paralysis. An urgent effort was necessary to reverse this tragedy, a tragedy to which the international community had grown largely indifferent. The mood was simply to wait for the warlords to eliminate one another until a victor emerged with whom business could be done. In the meantime, these individuals carried out systematic dismantling, destruction and looting of the Somali nation, ignoring consistent calls to change their reckless and criminal behaviour. This, however, cannot be tolerated any longer. The people have spoken at last. They decided against endless uncertainty and aberration. Enough is enough! The people have opted for government, law and order, and a certain future. We urge the international community, therefore, to respect the will of the Somali people, and refuse to entertain doing business anymore with those eternal destructive elements that made Somalia a byword for chaos and violence.

Somalia as a nation, as an entity, seemed condemned to a slow death, unable to expect either regional or international intervention or a positive change in the behavior of the warlords. Saving Somalia, therefore, necessitated moving away from the usual, standard practice which revolved around a few, familiar, self anointed proxies of the people. Rather than providing them with yet another opportunity to act out their deception, I suggested it was time to move beyond them; time to empower the Somali people; time the Somali people to assume leadership and responsibility of their own destiny. There needed to be a wide ranging, broadly representative conference whose ultimate objective was peace, government, legitimacy and reconstruction. A true reconciliation for all segments of the Somali society would tap into the popular mood of the Somali people which overwhelmingly rejected the status quo. There was at last a burning desire for change; a change that would transform the lives of the people, one which restored respect, dignity and integrity; one that brought peace, security and development. For the first time there was an alternative in sight; away from the prevailing "power of the gun", to "power of the people".

The peace process was designed to embrace the whole country, including regions that enjoy relative peace and stability. It was to be comprehensive, inclusive and transparent, excluding no individual, group, sector or region.

But beyond comprehensive reconciliation, the goal was to create a national framework leading to an administration that represented fairly the people, protected their basic rights and values, with liberty and justice for all. Somalia, after all, was a nation which had sustained life without a government, the longest period of state collapse in the modern era. It was a place where the law of the gun, motivated by a lust for power and sheer vengeance dominated the landscape, until fear and ruthlessness decimated every opportunity for peace. The predictable outcome had been a social and institutional collapse without parallel in this century.

Key aspects of the Djibouti-led IGAD peace process lay in its grass-roots, bottom-up approach, that emphasized phases of discussions, that slowly consolidated gains achieved. This was a process that was not only cumbersome, slow, painful, frustrating and visibly fragile at times, but one that endured as well international skepticism and indifference. All along, we insisted on the openness, independence and integrity of the process to enable the majority unarmed Somalis, including elders, traditional and religious leaders, scholars, women, politicians, the youth and the civil society at large, to own the process. Accordingly, our efforts were directed toward safeguarding the conceptual framework and rejecting any or all conditional offers for assistance, material or otherwise, while, however, always remaining open or receptive to ideas or proposals that deepened and enriched the process.

The cornerstone of the whole process was the key role played by the traditional leaders, particularly in the realization of the broadest possible reconciliation among the Somali clans. For long stretches of time amounting to years, there had been virtually no contact between them, allowing each to harbor grievances stemming from the prevailing conflict. Slowly and painfully, the conference persistently exposed complex political issues while striving to overcome deep animosities and implacable attitudes.

The very critical first phase of the conference began on May 2nd , and concluded early June. It was the most important phase, for we must envision more than 200 elders and traditional leaders from every part of the country coming together for the first time, not only in these ten years, but in the entire existence of Somalia as a state; seeking to overcome a decade of grievances, fear, anger and suspicion, lack of trust and contact. Slowly this legacy of the past was overcome and replaced with a sense of purpose, destiny and necessity. Through the wisdom, persistence and sincerity of these elders, guidelines and structures for the second phase were set out. Now the core political choices could be made.

Beginning June 15, the second phase commenced. Over 2,000 delegates and attendees participated. The setting of the conference bore no resemblance to any in the past, but took place instead in a giant tent. There were no class or social distinctions evident among the participants, who included women, representatives of all minorities, a number of warlords and, of course, the entire clan mosaic in Somalia. Proceedings were covered by satellite and the internet, to enable Somalis everywhere in the globe to keep abreast with developments. Participants outnumbered the residents in Arta, the mountain top resort town, which was the venue of the conference. Nearly every resident contributed to the conference one way or another; particularly in accommodating this huge and sudden influx of visitors.

This phase of the conference covered many issues, from the civil strife, human rights, healing and reconciliation, the economy, the political structure, disarmament, the transitional mechanisms such as an interim constitution, legislature, the government and the judiciary, and much more. Slowly an irrepressible momentum became evident, a feeling of rebirth. In a real sense, it was Somalia's second independence, this time not from colonialism but from chaos and utter hopelessness.

After one month of intensive drafting and debate, the interim constitution or charter was adopted; among other matters, it determined the number of representatives, including a quota for women in the new assembly, and the modalities for their selection. This major step in the process signalled the beginning of a truly nationwide reconciliation effort, as it contained a series of accommodations; including a clan-based system as the political mechanism for power sharing during the three year interim authority. The resulting Transitional National Authority should therefore be a highly workable vehicle for the credible and the ambitious on the one hand, and the troublesome on the other. No one though, should take either the reconciliation process or the new institutions as shielding any individual from past misdeeds or war crimes. These are among the challenges that will confront future constitutional governments of Somalia.

August 26, 2000 is a date which will forever stir the hearts of Somalis. It was on this date Somalia's interim parliament, the Transitional National Assembly, elected the country's first President in more than a decade. Starting with a field of 25 candidates, voting was completed after several rounds and more than ten hours which saw much horse-trading and bargaining in order to secure cross-clan support within the Assembly to win the necessary majority. With up-to-the-minute radio and satellite live coverage for viewers in the region and internationally, the conference moved into a momentum unmatched since the talks started.

The man in the news is Abdiqassim Salad Hassan, the new President of Somalia, a seasoned, urbane, and a highly experienced politician, who has already demonstrated his rare skills through a series of visits and engagements both inside Somalia and externally. I wholeheartedly congratulate him; and welcome him and his delegation most warmly in this august hall. What a joy to see Somalia retake its rightful place among the community of nations! The realization of having a President at last filled Somalis everywhere with emotional exuberance; with people dancing and singing in the streets in what was described as a spontaneous national holiday. We wish to express our deepest gratitude to IGAD member countries and Yemen who were represented at the highest level to witness the swearing-in ceremony of the new President; we are equally grateful to France, Egypt, Libya, Italy, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the OAU, League of Arab States, the EU and the United Nations for sending high level delegations; and, of course, the entire diplomatic community in Djibouti for their presence and steadfast support.

Undoubtedly, we fully acknowledge the realism and true comprehension readily displayed throughout this process by the other immediate neighbors of Somalia, namely Ethiopia and Kenya. We have also derived immense solace from the continued encouragement and support of the Secretary-General and his able staff both in New York and in the region, particularly, his Special Representative Mr. David Stephen and his staff, whose presence in the conference throughout the process proved remarkably beneficial. Equally, the unfailing commitment demonstrated by the Security Council through its series of statements since the launch of the initiative, has been a source of constant comfort.

Obviously, the peace process had invariably enjoyed full and unambiguous backing of the IGAD, OAU, League of Arab States, OIC and the EU. We are deeply appreciative of their steady and principled stand. The Somali people will be forever grateful. Following the formation of the new Somali parliament, the Security Council reiterated that the preservation of the territorial integrity of the country was "the precondition for overall normalization in Somalia", and commended regional organizations for working towards that end.

Mr. President,

True to form, discordant voices were raised questioning the acceptance of the new government and its ability to physically return to Somalia. Some scoffed it would be a phantom "govern ment-i n-exile" lacking legitimacy and resources. However, the triumphant return as well as the ecstatic welcome of the new President into Mogadisho, the center of conflict, from the public, and the unprecedented show of support from all militiamen, including those allied to faction leaders, put the baseless stories to rest once and forever.

Mr. President,

For those individuals who chose to oppose the creation of a representative and democratic government, presumably because they are no longer at center stage in Somalia, they need to come to terms with reality. A generous hand has been extended to all these elements to join their peace-loving people in supporting the talks, and now the government. In fact, I personally invited and met with several of them in Djibouti early this year for discussions in order to assure them there was a place for everyone in the new Somalia under its proposed federal structure. Now, with a government in place, the ball is in their court. We can only hope they would make good use of the remaining opportunity for reconciliation and accommodation, by placing the country first.

Mr. President,

The rebirth of Somalia opens unlimited possibilities for Somalis everywhere to rebuild their country. With the expected gradual return of normalcy in the country, the large diaspora abroad will have the necessary incentives to consider investing in their motherland, bringing in needed capital and expertise, that will create employment opportunities for the youth.

Finally, Mr. President, let me state with all candor that for us in Djibouti the process has strained our meager resources, but neither our resolve nor our faith.

It has challenged our courage and perseverance, but never our commitment. It has been an exemplary effort as well as sacrifice on the part of our people.

Let this "endurance test" on the part of our people and the Somali people alike, serve as an inspiring beginning of what may be a major accomplishment for the Horn of Africa, indeed for Africa and mankind as a whole.

I thank you, Mr. President