United Nations

E/CN.6/1995/3/Add.4


Commission on the Status of Women

 Distr. GENERAL
18 January 1995
ORIGINAL: ENGLISH



COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN
Thirty-ninth session
New York, 15 March-4 April 1995
Item 5 of the provisional agenda*

     *   E/CN.6/1995/1.


         MONITORING THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE NAIROBI FORWARD-LOOKING
                    STRATEGIES FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN

             Second review and appraisal of the implementation of the
             Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies for the Advancement
                                   of Women

                        Report of the Secretary-General

                                   Addendum


                        II.  CRITICAL AREAS OF CONCERN

                          D.  Violence against women

1.   The Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies place violence against women
under the basic strategies for addressing the issue of peace.  Reference was
made to specific groups of women deserving special concern, including abused
women, women victims of trafficking and involuntary prostitution, and women in
detention and subject to penal law.  The strategies state that violence is a
major obstacle to the achievement of peace and the other objectives of the
Decade.  Women victims of violence should be given comprehensive assistance,
with legal measures, national machinery, preventive policies and institutional
forms of assistance.  These should be specially applied in the case of the
groups of special concern.

2.   In Economic and Social Council resolution 1990/15, on recommendations
and conclusions arising from the first review and appraisal of the Nairobi
Strategies, adopted at the recommendation of the Commission on the Status of
Women at its thirty-fourth session, the Council states that:

     "23. The recognition that violence against women in the family and
     society is pervasive and cuts across lines of income, class and culture
     must be matched by urgent and effective steps to eliminate its
     incidence.  Violence against women derives from their unequal status in
     society.

         "Recommendation XXII.  Governments should take immediate measures to
     establish appropriate penalties for violence against women in the
     family, the work place and society.  Governments and other relevant
     agencies should also undertake policies to prevent, control and reduce
     the impact of violence on women in the family, the work place and
     society.  Governments and relevant agencies, women's organizations,
     non-governmental organizations and the private sector should develop
     appropriate correctional, educational and social services, including
     shelters, training programmes for law enforcement officers, the
     judiciary and health and social service personnel, as well as adequate
     deterrent and corrective measures.  The number of women at all levels of
     law enforcement, legal assistance and the judicial system should be
     increased."

3.   A preliminary review of the national reports prepared for the current
review and appraisal reveals that, in contrast to the previous review and
appraisal, most countries have reported on violence against women and the
problem has been largely recognized.  Most reports indicate that the issue has
attracted national attention and emphasis has been placed on legal reforms, by
considering violence against women as a crime and increasing the penalties for
it.  A large number of countries indicated the adoption of programmes intended
to prevent domestic violence or provide assistance to victims of violence. 
Most of these programmes were initiated by non-governmental organizations and
subsequently supported by the Governments concerned.  Other reports
acknowledged a need for these kinds of programmes but indicated that funds
were lacking.


                                  1.  Trends

4.   The issue of violence against women became a matter of priority in the
second half of the 1980s.  The increasing concern about victims of violence
and the need for change was voiced both by bodies within the United Nations
and by non-governmental organizations.  The adoption, by the General Assembly,
in resolution 48/104, of the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence
against Women, signalled an intention to deal with the problem in its full
complexity and to give appropriate priority to domestic violence.

5.   Debates relating to women and development in the South led to the
identification, frequently by grass-roots women, of various manifestations of
violence against women. 1/  Concentration by activists and scholars in both
the North and South was initially on sexual violence by those outside the
family, including sexual harassment in the workplace and elsewhere, forced
prostitution and trafficking. 2/  This was followed by attention to violence
against women in the family, often described as domestic violence.  Perhaps
because violence in the family context challenges the universal image of the
family as a supportive and loving haven, the natural and fundamental group
unit of society, 3/ and because violence against women in the family
represents the most fundamental example of the persistent inequality between
women and men and, at the same time, serves to entrench that inequality in
other spheres, violence against women in this context has remained the central
focus of activism and scholarship within the general issue of violence against
women.

6.   Attention to issues of sexual and domestic violence resulted in the
revelation of further manifestations of violence against women.  These
different manifestations occur within the family but are tolerated or, indeed,
condoned, by the community and State.  These include female foeticide 4/ and
infanticide, the neglect and physical and sexual abuse of girl-children, often
by family members, and marital rape.  Forms of violence related to custom,
culture or religion, some of which are a source of cultural pride, including
the practice of sati (self-immolation by widows), 5/ female genital mutilation
and other initiation practices, widowhood rites and violence related to the
custom of dowry were also revealed as risks to women.

7.   Economic, social and political developments, some post-dating the
adoption of the Forward-looking Strategies, led to the identification of other
areas where women are at particular risk of violence.  In some countries,
structural adjustment policies have caused women to move from employment in
the formal sector to that in the informal sector.  There they are frequently
subject to poor and unregulated working conditions and vulnerable to physical
and sexual abuse.  The increasing participation of women, predominantly from
the South and Eastern Europe, in international labour migration, legal and
illegal, the conditions of which are frequently unsatisfactory, has also
provided a setting for physical and sexual abuse, 6/ with illegal immigrants
most at risk.  Poverty and lack of alternative employment has encouraged many
women to turn to prostitution, both in their own countries and abroad.  One of
the results of HIV/AIDS has been increased sexual violence against girl-
children, who are the subjects not only of victimization by individuals but
also of forced prostitution and trafficking, as men seek younger and younger
sexual partners so as to avoid infection. 7/

8.   Ethnic, religious, communal and political conflicts have marked the end
of the Cold War, and these conflicts have proved to be the setting for much
female victimization.  Female activists have been subject to physical and
sexual violence, frequently by State agents, such as members of the military
or the police. 8/  Women who are detained have been abused, most often
sexually, by prison officers, the police and the military.  During armed
conflict, women have been the victims of terrorism and specific targets for
rape and other sexual assault.  Clear evidence exists suggesting that sexual
abuse by soldiers is widespread and that rape, sexual slavery and forced
pregnancy are used systematically in some conflicts. 9/  Most women who are
subject to violence during wars take no active part in the conflict, but their
abuse, which is very often sexual, is a deliberate tactic to intimidate or
undermine the "enemy" and often aims to inflict deep and lasting damage on
entire communities.  Frequently, like women in detention, women subjected to
violence in conflict situations are abused because they happen to be the
wives, mothers, daughters or sisters of the men the authorities cannot
capture.  These women become substitutes for the men in their families, with
soldiers or governmental agents victimizing them in order to shame their male
relatives or to coerce them into surrendering.  Many women who are abused
during conflicts, moreover, are often from the most marginalized and
vulnerable sectors of society, such as indigenous or peasant women, 10/
refugees or displaced women.

9.   Conflicts, political and economic insecurity, and environmental
degradation have resulted in large refugee flows, with women forming the bulk
of the refugee population.  Refugee women and girls, particularly those with
inadequate documentation or who are single and unaccompanied, are vulnerable
to physical and sexual abuse during flight, on arrival in refugee camps and in
the country of ultimate settlement. 11/  Perpetrators of such violence include
pirates, border guards, and army and resistance units, as well as male
refugees. 12/ Systematic sexual violence against women and girls, in the
context of armed conflict and otherwise, and the sexual victimization of
individual women is one of the major causes of internal displacement and the
decision to seek asylum abroad. 13/

10.  In sum, the focus on violence against women since the formulation of the
Forward-looking Strategies has shown that women are subjected to three main
forms of violence:  physical abuse, sexual abuse, and psychological abuse. 
They are at risk of these abuses in all settings and contexts.  The major site
of violence against women is the family - where physical, sexual and
psychological violence is a risk factor for girls and women throughout their
lives and even from before birth.  The community not only constitutes a site
of violence against women but also supports aspects of the family which make
it the major site of victimization for women.  So also, the State constitutes
a site of violence against women when, for example, it condones or tolerates
the rape and torture of women in detention.

11.  The Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies, in the areas of special concern,
identify gender-specific violence as a form of abuse of women.  Evidence
suggests that men and women experience violence differently.  Women,
irrespective of context, are at much greater risk of sexual violence than men,
and the harm caused by violence is usually determined by their sex.  The
violence is often motivated by gender concerns, since violence is often used
to enforce male power.  As a result, violence is increasingly being recognized
as linked to the social, economic and political inequality that women
experience as part of their daily lives while, at the same time, reinforcing
that inequality.


                     2.  Action at the international level

12.  Until the beginning of the 1990s international action on violence
against women concentrated on the family.  However, in response to growing
claims by women for equality in all areas, the issue of violence has
broadened, to address other forms of violence. 

13.  Thus, although the focus of the work of the United Nations in the field
of violence against women has been on the domestic sphere, violence against
women in other contexts has also been acknowledged.  The Economic and Social
Council has adopted, on the recommendation of the Commission on the Status of
Women, several resolutions that relate to violence against detained women
which is specific to their sex 14/ and has requested the Secretary-General to
compile reports on this subject. 15/  The General Assembly has adopted two
resolutions on violence against women migrant workers. 16/  The issue of
female genital mutilation has been considered by the Working Group on
Contemporary Forms of Slavery, 17/ the Sub-Commission 18/ and Commission on
Human Rights 19/ and the Working Group on Traditional Practices Affecting the
Health of Women and Children. 20/  Forced prostitution and trafficking in
women has been the concern of the Working Group on Contemporary Forms of
Slavery, which in 1991 elaborated the Programme of Action for the Prevention
of Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Women, which
has been endorsed by the Subcommission and the Commission on Human Rights. 21/

Specialized agencies of the United Nations, including the United Nations High
Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), and UNIFEM, part of the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP), have also addressed the question of violence
against women.  The UNHCR Executive Committee has adopted a number of
resolutions concerning violence against refugee women 22/ and in 1990 adopted
the Policy on Refugee Women.  General guidelines have been developed by UNHCR
to help organizations working with refugees to ensure that women are protected
against manipulation, exploitation and sexual and physical abuse and that they
are able to benefit from protection and assistance programmes without
discrimination, 23/ while specific guidelines concerning the prevention of and
response to sexual violence among refugees have just been completed.  UNIFEM
has linked the various forms of violence against women to development. 24/

14.  Coordination of the work of the United Nations and its specialized
agencies with respect to the problem was one of the first factors contributing
to this shift in approach, as was the emergence of violence against women as a
priority for United Nations bodies dealing with women's issues, including the
Commission on the Status of Women and the Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination against Women. 25/

15.  The Commission on the Status of Women adopted a number of
recommendations regarding violence against women, leading, inter alia, to the
adoption of the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women. 26/

16.  The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women was elaborated by the Commission on the Status of Women prior to the
World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women, held in Copenhagen in
1980.  The terms of the treaty bind States Parties to condemning
discrimination against women in all its forms and to taking immediate and
appropriate steps, in public and private life, to eliminate such
discrimination.  Although the obligation to eliminate discrimination against
women imposed by the treaty is broad, encompassing "discrimination in all its
forms", part II of the Convention addresses particular areas of
discrimination.  At no point does the Convention specifically mention violence
against women, although article 6 obliges States Parties to take "all
appropriate measures, including legislation, to suppress all forms of traffic
in women and exploitation of prostitution of women".

17.  The substantive work of the Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination against Women coincided with the revelation of the endemic
nature of violence against women and the identification of this violence as
related to the inequality of women with men.  The absence of the mention of
violence against women in the terms of the Convention encouraged States
Parties to regard the issue, if they considered it at all, as outside their
international treaty obligations.  The Committee, concerned, first, that
States Parties frequently did not include information with respect to the
problem in their treaty reports, thereby indicating that violence against
women was not regarded as an issue of inequality and, secondly, that States
Parties might justify inaction because of the silence of the Convention on the
matter, adopted, at its eighth session in 1989, general recommendation 12. 
Recommendation 12 suggested that articles 2, 5, 11, 12 and 16 required States
Parties to act to protect women against violence of any kind in the family,
the workplace or in any other area of social life and that States Parties
report on legislative and other measures that have been taken to address
violence against women, to protect the victims by providing support services
and to compile statistics on incidence and victims.  The following year, the
Committee adopted general recommendation 14, concerned with female
circumcision and other traditional practices harmful to the health of women. 
This recommendation suggested various strategies, predominantly of an
educational nature, that States Parties might take to eradicate, specifically,
female circumcision.

18.  General recommendations 12 and 14 were tentative steps by the Committee
to relate violence against women to discrimination and its elimination.  In
1992, at its eleventh session, the Committee formulated the far more
comprehensive general recommendation 19, which specifically categorized
gender-based violence, which it defined as violence that is directed against a
women because she is a women or that affects women disproportionately, as a
form of discrimination that supports other forms of discrimination and,
accordingly, as a breach of the general obligations of the Convention.  Unlike
general recommendations 12 and 14, general recommendation 19 firmly places
gender-based violence within the rubric of human rights and fundamental
freedoms and makes clear that the Convention obliges States Parties to
eliminate violence perpetrated by public authorities and by private persons,
organizations or enterprises.  The general recommendation, further, elaborates
programmatic measures States Parties should employ to address various
manifestations of gender-based violence.

19.  Prioritization by the Committee of the issue of gender-based violence,
particularly in general recommendation 19, was informed by the second factor
that led to the broadening of the issue of violence against women within the
United Nations namely - the categorization of violence against women, because
of its scale and gender dimension, as an issue of human rights.  In order to
concretize this categorization and because international and regional human
rights instruments and mechanisms, although implicitly concerned with
gender-based violence, did not explicitly relate to the issue and had, in
general terms, not been interpreted as concerned with it, the Commission on
the Status of Women recommended the formulation of an international instrument
on violence against women.

20.  The Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, the result
of the Commission's recommendation, locates violence against women within the
framework of violation of human rights obligations, inequality and
discrimination and sets out strategies that member States and the organs and
specialized agencies of the United Nations should employ to eliminate its
occurrence.  The Declaration's adoption was facilitated by the recognition by
the World Conference on Human Rights, six months earlier, of the egregious
nature of violence against women and the human rights dimensions of the
problem. 27/  Further analysis of the issue within this framework occurred in
October 1993 at the Expert Group Meeting on Measures to Eradicate Violence
against Women, convened by the Division for the Advancement of Women as part
of the preparation of a priority theme for the Commission on the Status of
Women.  The recommendations were made with respect to human rights, law and
justice, development, health and education and peace, peace-keeping,
emergencies and conflict. 28/

21.  The final step towards the broadening of the issue within the United
Nations occurred in March 1994, when the United Nations Commission on Human
Rights condemned all acts of gender-based violence against women and appointed
a special rapporteur on violence against women 29/ to seek and receive
information on violence against women, its causes and consequences; recommend
measures at the national regional and international levels to eliminate
violence against women; work with other mechanisms of the Commission on Human
Rights and the Commission on the Status of Women and to report to the next
session of the Commission on Human Rights.


          3.  Existing strategies to confront violence against women

22.  Coinciding with the identification of violence against women as
gender-based, policy has broadened, and the problem has come to be considered
a matter of human rights and a dimension of discrimination between women and
men.  Basically, at all levels, strategies fall into three broad categories: 
raising awareness of the various forms of violence against women, advocating
legal change, and providing services for victims. 

     a.  International level

23.  Action at the international level with respect to violence against women
has included the establishment of policy, the formulation of recommendations
for member States and United Nations activity.

24.  Comprehensive recommendations relating to violence against women in the
family, incorporating very specific suggestions for legal reform, with a
concentration on a criminal justice approach to domestic violence, the role
and training of the police, prosecutors and the health sector, social and
resource support for victims and the compilation of research and data were
made by the (1986) Expert Group on Violence in the Family, with special
Emphasis on its Effects on Women.  Important recommendations were also made by
the Group with regard to public awareness of violence against women, education
at all levels and in all forms,and the elimination of images in education and
the media entrenching the subordination and violation of women.  Similar
recommendations were made in the general recommendations of the Committee on
the Elimination of Discrimination against Women with regard to family
violence.  As has been noted, general recommendation 19 was drawn more widely
than the two earlier recommendations on violence against women and thus
included suggestions relating to trafficking and sexual exploitation, sexual
harassment, female circumcision and violence against rural women and domestic
workers.

25.  Strategies elaborated in the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence
against Women contain recommendations found in existing United Nations
documents.  Thus, recalling paragraph 258 of the Forward-looking Strategies,
States are urged to consider the development of national plans of action to
promote the protection of women against any form of violence and, if
appropriate, cooperate with non-governmental organizations in that regard,
entrench appropriate legal provisions, introduce training for relevant
sectors, address issues of education and the portrayal of images of women,
promote research and adopt measures directed to the elimination of violence
against women who are especially vulnerable to violence.  Unusually, however,
the Declaration specifically addresses the organs and specialized agencies of
the United Nations.  They are requested to promote awareness of the issue and
encourage coordination within the Organization with respect to efforts to
eliminate gender-based violence.

26.  It is the clear categorization by the Declaration of gender-based
violence against women as both an issue of human rights and of discrimination,
however, which establishes the framework for the development of future
strategies at the international level.  Within the Declaration itself, States
are urged to condemn violence against women and refrain from invoking custom,
tradition or religion to avoid this obligation.  States are also urged to
refrain from engaging in violence against women and to exercise due diligence
to prevent, investigate and punish acts of violence against women, whether
perpetrated in the public or private sphere.  This language not only sets
strategic objectives for member States but encourages the interpretation of
existing international standards and methods of implementation so as to
address the issue of violence against women.

     b.  National level

27.  Measures that have been introduced at the national level to confront
violence against women fall into three broad categories:  service and support
provision, substantive and procedural law reform, and training and education
for specific groups as well as for the general public.

28.  Not all countries have introduced measures in this context, but most
have provided information in their national reports.  Where they have done so,
it has usually been as a result of advocacy and activism by women's
non-governmental organizations.  Accordingly, the focus of the measures and
their level of development reflect the primary focus of attention of such
non-governmental organizations.  Until very recently, the primary focus of
activist attention in individual countries was violence against women which
occurs in the private sphere.  Thus, sexual assault generally and all forms of
violence against women in the family received primary attention and,
accordingly, at the national level measures in those contexts were most
developed.  Sexual harassment in the workplace and elsewhere had also
attracted attention, as had particular forms of violence based on culture,
tradition or religion.  Since the beginning of the decade, and particularly
with the identification of gender-based violence against women as an issue of
human rights, activist attention has expanded to encompass violence against
women in the public sphere.  Although activism relating to violence against
women in this setting has largely been devoted to achieving better application
of extant international standards and procedures of implementation in this
context, in some countries specific measures have been introduced which relate
to violence against women in this sphere.

29.  Existing national measures to confront violence against women do not
approach the various manifestations of such violence as the result of a
uniform structural cause but, rather, address each form of violence
separately, generally in accordance with where the violence occurs.  Thus,
different measures have been employed to address violence in the family, the
community and elsewhere.  Government measures have been initiated to confront
a number of forms of violence against women:  violence against women in the
household; sexual harassment; sexual assault; violence related to tradition
and culture; and violence perpetrated against women in the public sphere. 
Where each is concerned, the text will examine legal approaches, service
provisions, and the research, training and educational measures that have been
utilized. 

30.  Where all forms of violence against women are concerned, national
strategies have concentrated predominantly on legal and service measures with,
to a lesser extent, attention being paid to sector-specific and public-
education programmes or campaigns which address values, attitudes and actions
related to gender violence.  In the main, it has been unusual for countries to
implement an integrated, holistic response to gender-based violence against
women.  Thus, in general, responses have been reactive, with the protection of
the victim and the punishment of the perpetrator as their primary concerns. 
Exceptional in this regard are Australia and Canada where some attempt has
been made to take a comprehensive approach to violence against women.  In
Australia, a National Committee on Violence Against Women, which has
formulated a national strategy with respect to violence against women has been
established, 30/ and Canada has set up the Canadian Panel on Violence Against
Women, which has formulated a national action plan. 31/

31.  Responses have often been law-centred, predominantly concerned with law
reform.  However, many laws are based on a model of gender neutrality in what
is, in fact, a gender-specific area, and the laws do not take account of the
reality of victimization and the systemic inequalities in society.  Very often
the laws are still based on outdated sexual stereotypes and result in unfair
and unequal treatment of women.

32.  For each type of measure chosen, there has to be a distinct evaluation. 
What has appeared in national legal systems is a broader definition of what is
considered physical or sexual violence against women.  The national reports
suggest that most countries have provisions in their constitutions or in their
legislation about violence in the family or in terms of sexual assault.

33.  The central question that has emerged in the evolution of strategies to
confront the problem is whether the penal or criminal justice system is
appropriate for the management of violence against women.  In some cases, the
criminal law was believed to be inappropriate when Governments reported their
intention to undertake reforms of legislation.  In other cases, reports
stressed the need to create or enlarge facilities for victims, an approach
that dominated the measures taken.  However, a number of countries noted that
while domestic violence takes place in the family and occurs among intimates,
it is in fact criminal conduct and should not be treated differently from such
conduct in other contexts.  In a few countries, this has led to the
development of spouse- abuse statutes.

34.  Those countries that have chosen to stress the criminal nature of
domestic abuse have recognized the central role of the police in the
management of the issue.  They have recognized, further, that the police have
been traditionally reluctant to intervene in such cases and have sought to
introduce strategies to encourage their intervention.  The strategies have
included legal measures, such as the clarification of police powers of entry,
arrest and bail procedures in cases of domestic violence; legislation that
compels women to give evidence against their abusive spouses; the introduction
of presumptive arrest and charging policies; police training and support
services.

35.  All countries, including those that have not considered the question of
domestic violence in any sustained fashion, have legal measures, such as
criminal and tortious sanction, which are applicable to cases of assault
generally and are therefore, theoretically, available in cases of domestic
assault.  In general, however, crimes, torts or delicts are not defined so as
to encompass emotional or psychological harms and in many countries unwanted
sexual acts by a husband on his wife do not amount to crimes.  Further, few
countries draw a distinction between violence against women and men in their
criminal and civil codes, and very few have established specific offences
relating to violence which occurs in the family or between family members. 
The sex of the victim and the relationship between the victim and the offender
sometimes do allow for the introduction of certain defences, such as the
"honour defence", which, to a certain extent, may excuse crimes which occur
between intimates or affect sentence.

36.  All countries, as reflected in their period reports to the Committee on
the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, provide matrimonial relief,
such as divorce or judicial separation, for those who are treated with
violence by their spouses.  These remedies have proven, in general terms, to
be inadequate in the context of domestic violence.  In most countries, general
criminal remedies are not applied unless the violence suffered is particularly
severe, and even where they are applied, the criminal law, in its usual form,
does not cater for the particular issues that arise in the case of domestic
assault.  Matrimonial relief, although providing a remedy for some, is clearly
available only to those who are married and even in such cases may not be
desired by the victim, who, in general terms, wishes the violence, rather than
the relationship, to be brought to an end.

37.  Some countries have introduced special legal approaches to confront
domestic violence.  Some have introduced special criminal sanctions which
apply in the domestic context.  In general, however, special legal approaches
to domestic violence have been in the context of the civil, rather than the
criminal, law and have developed from two existing legal remedies:  the breach
of the peace procedure, and the injunction.

38.  In most countries, there is a procedure whereby complaints can be made
to a magistrate or justice that violence has taken place or has been
threatened, and the violent party is then requested to enter into an
undertaking, with or without a pledge of money, to keep the peace or be of
good behaviour.  If the undertaking is breached, the offender forfeits a
specified sum of money or is imprisoned.  The process is criminal, but the
standard of proof is lower.  In its general form, this remedy has some
potential for the victim of domestic assault, but it does present some
problems, not the least of which is the fact that enforcement of the remedy
depends on a further court appearance, initiated by the victim or the police.

39.  Some countries have modified and strengthened this procedure so that it
is more useful in the context of domestic violence, while others have used it
as the inspiration for remedies, usually known as "protection orders", which
apply specifically to such violence.  In general terms, the remedy developed
from the procedure allows for a court order, obtained on the balance of
probabilities, which can protect the victim from further attacks or
harassment.

40.  A number of countries have chosen to concentrate on the civil, rather
than the criminal, law to provide victims of domestic assault with remedy.  In
general terms, these countries have developed existing injunction or interdict
proceedings.  Usually an injunction or interdict is available only as a remedy
incidental to a principal cause of action - for example, divorce, nullity or
judicial separation -  and, although seeking to provide a victim of domestic
violence with relief, some countries continue to limit access to the remedy in
this way.  In others, however, a victim of domestic violence is able to apply
for injunctive relief independently of any other legal action.  Usually, the
relief available is of two varieties:  an order prohibiting the offender from
molesting or harassing the victim, and an order excluding or evicting the
offender from a part or all of the matrimonial home or the area in which the
home is situated.  The orders are usually supported by a provision entitling
the police to arrest the offender, without warrant, if he breaches the order.

41.  In most countries, criminal and civil laws, although of various levels
of sophistication, to protect women who are the victims of domestic violence
are technically in place.  This is important because such laws not only
provide individual victims with remedies, should they choose to take advantage
of them, but also indicate clearly that a country does not tolerate domestic
assault.  Indeed, all Governments should be encouraged to introduce clear,
accessible and well integrated legal provisions, appropriate to the particular
country situation, in this context.

42.  Certainly, certain sectors have always been aware of the existence of
violence, but countries have been slow to provide services for victims,
offenders and their families.  Although the law is usually the last resort for
victims of domestic assault, reached only after others have proved to be
unhelpful, Governments have chosen to concentrate on legal reform.

43.  In general terms, the response of the health and welfare sectors has
been insufficient to deal with violence.  Professionals in these sectors,
usually uneducated in the dynamics of domestic assault, have chosen to
concentrate on the victim, rather than the offender, as the key to their
response.  In general, both sectors have looked at such violence as an
individual, rather than structural, problem and have stressed the importance
of the maintenance of the family.

44.  Many national reports indicate that services for victims of domestic
violence have been introduced not because of governmental initiatives but
rather as a result of activity by individual women or groups of women.  In
general, however, once services have been put in place by the efforts of such
women, Governments have stepped in and either taken over such services or
introduced services of their own, modelled on those introduced by the
voluntary sector.

45.  Shelter provision has proven to be the most important service for
victims of domestic violence.  Shelters, which were originally conceived as
advice centres for women at risk and ultimately developed to provide
residential accommodation for them and their children, exist in many
countries.  In countries where the Government has adopted the shelter model,
specific shelters are often established for different groups of women,
including immigrant women, women with disabilities, aboriginal women.  In
general, shelter facilities usually have inadequate funding for the service
requirements, so that they are inadequate in number, oversubscribed and
understaffed.

46.  Other services that exist for victims of domestic assault include toll-
free advice lines, counselling services and advice centres.

47.  Some Governments have chosen to implement programmes for offenders. 
Like shelters for battered women, many of these programmes began as community-
based responses to the problem, and many were linked to shelters.  In certain
cases they are part of diversion schemes or a court sentence.  These schemes
are new, take various models, and have as yet to be analysed for
effectiveness.  As such, they should be approached cautiously.

48.  Government-funded and -sponsored research into the various aspects of
violence against women in the family is well developed in some countries, some
going so far as to have information clearing-houses on the subject.  In most,
however, research has not progressed beyond the rudimentary.

49.  A number of countries have initiated training programmes for those
involved in domestic violence.  Most of the programmes focus on the police,
regarded as the front line of response.  The programmes vary in duration,
scope and target group, and little information about them was provided in the
reports.  Few countries offer the police comprehensive and in-depth training
in the dynamics of domestic violence, the legal responses available and the
services available for the victims.  Police in most countries do not receive
any training in this area.

50.  Some countries have recognized that domestic violence is the result of
social norms and values that provide stereotypical roles for men and women and
have concluded that these views can best be addressed by formal and informal
education.  Accordingly, in some countries, the subject of family violence and
peaceful methods of conflict resolution form part of the primary and secondary
curriculum.

51.  Many countries have relied on informal education strategies, both to
inform women of their legal rights, available options and support systems and
to convey to both women and men that family violence is to be deplored.  Such
strategies have included poster campaigns, booklets, videos, television and
radio advertising and folk theatre.

     (i) Sexual harassment

52.  Few countries reported on sexual harassment.  In those that did,
different remedies are applied, depending upon whether it occurs in the street
or in the workplace.

53.  Most countries fail to provide remedies for harassment falling short of
rape, sexual assault, indecent assault or common assault which occurs outside
the workplace.  In exceptional cases, however, specific legislation prohibits
sexually offensive behaviour, which is variously described as insulting the
modesty of a woman, "eye-teasing" or "kerb-crawling".

54.  A number of countries have become aware of the importance of sexual
harassment in the workplace and educational institutions and the implications
that such harassment can have for the individual woman and the organization. 
These countries have, therefore, allowed women who have been subject to such
victimization to seek remedies under legislation pertaining to employment,
such as sex discrimination or equal opportunities statutes, concluding that
harassment in the workplace amounts to less favourable treatment on the
grounds of sex.  Still others have enacted specific legislation prohibiting
sexual harassment in employment, the provision of goods and services, and
educational institutions, and provide remedies where such harassment occurs. 

55.  Although the legislative remedies are broadly similar in approach, some
statutes are more effective than others, having wider definitions of
harassment, extending coverage to contract and commission agents, allowing
representative actions by unions and fixing employers with vicarious liability
for the harassment of their employees.

56.  In general, governmental measures to prevent sexual harassment have been
confined to the introduction of legislation, campaigning around and
publicizing the issue being left to the initiative of trade unions, worker's
associations and private organizations.  A number of Governments have,
however, produced protocols or guides indicating how sexual harassment can be
eliminated in both governmental and non-governmental institutions.  A limited
number of Governments, such as New Zealand, have drafted standard form
contracts, used when governmental contracts are concluded, which contain
clauses forbidding harassment.

57.  Some governmental bodies have increased awareness of sexual harassment,
its serious short- and long-term implications and the measures that can be
used to confront it by educational strategies.  These have included the
production of pamphlets, protocols and advertisements.  In one country, the
Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission conducted a poster, magazine and
advertising campaign, which included a toll-free complaint line, aimed at
young women in vulnerable occupations.  The campaign and its effects are
continuing.

     (ii)  Sexual assault

58.  All countries criminally sanction sexual offenses against women. 
Although there has been significant focus on the reform of the substantive law
of sexual assault, evaluations of legislative reforms reveal that most women
place more significance on reform of evidentiary and procedural aspects of
this area of the law.  Thus, modifications of the requirement of fresh
complaint, corroboration and rules allowing introduction of evidence of the
past sexual history of complainants have been welcomed as significantly
ameliorating the ordeal and limiting the humiliation that a complainant
endures, both in the courtroom and before.  Other measures, which have
included provisions providing complainants with anonymity, court procedures
which hide their identity and deny the offender bail or at least make the
complainant aware of where the offender is, have also been enthusiastically
received.

59.  Some countries - e.g., Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands and the
United Kingdom - have criminal injury compensation schemes entitling victims
of sexual assault to compensation by the State.

60.  Support and services for victims of sexual assault have, as in the case
of domestic violence, usually been initiated by individual women and women's
groups.  As with domestic violence, the models used have often been adopted by
government at a later stage.

61.  In many countries rape crisis services, providing toll-free advice
lines, advice services and accommodation for women who are the victims of
sexual assault, exist.  Some are run by women's groups with no support from
government, others are operated by a combination of such a group and
government, and some are operated by government.  Some operate independently,
others cooperate with the police, and some are integrated formally with the
police. 

62.  In most countries the traditional sexual assault reception agencies are
police stations.  In general terms, little attention has been paid to the
singular ordeal that a rape complainant endures, and most stations are not
equipped to alleviate this.  Some, however, have taken account of the
particular needs of sexual assault complainants and offer a multidisciplinary
approach to the complaints, often cooperating with hospitals or special
clinics.  In some countries, further, police have introduced special
examination rooms, away from the station, to render the ordeal of the victim
as inoffensive as possible.

63.  Victims of sexual assault are usually ashamed, guilty and afraid of how
people will react to them.  Many are humiliated, ridiculed, scorned and
stigmatized by police and other workers and treated with hostility and
suspicion by their family and friends.

64.  The negative response to the victim of rape stems from attitudes towards
women, rape victims and rape which are the result of myth and prejudice. 
Women are believed to provoke sexual assault by the way they dress, where they
go, the way they move and behave.  They are considered to be responsible for
their own protection and must ensure that they do not arouse male sexuality.

65.  Evidence from many countries suggests that the police are particularly
at risk of being misinformed by these stereotypes.  They are thus frequently
suspicious of complainants, particularly in cases where there is no obvious
sign of injury, the offender is known to the complainant, the complainant
delays reporting her assault or appears calm and unemotional.  If the
complainant is perceived to be morally dubious - for example, if she is
sexually experienced - her allegation may be doubted.

66.  Police suspicion may manifest itself in various ways:  the complainant
may be totally disbelieved and discouraged from pursuing her complaint; the
investigation may be conducted in such a way as to test her story -
insensitive, bullying interrogation may take place, for example, involving a
series of officers and a medical examination in unpleasant or threatening
circumstances; the complainant may be kept uninformed of the progress of the
investigation.

67.  Insensitive police procedures not only add to the ordeal of the
complainant but obstruct acquisition of the best evidence and militate against
conviction of offenders.

68.  In most countries, police officers receive basic training in the law and
practice relating to sexual assault.  However, this training is usually brief
and underresourced.  Some countries have recognized the importance of training
and education in this context and have introduced specific training and
education at various levels.  Most of this training has been in methods of
obtaining the best evidence for conviction and has thus been technical, but
some has included attitude training and sensitization.  Some countries have
employed kits and protocols which the investigating officer is directed to use
in cases of complaints of sexual assault; they ensure that officers are
meticulous in their collection of evidence and also direct their inquiries
sensitively.

69.  Police officers are not the only officials who need to be educated in
the dynamics of sexual assault.  Prosecutors, defenders and judges as well as
the general public require such training.  Unfortunately, although some
countries do conduct specific training on sexual assault for lawyers and
judges, they have not developed as much of it as in the area of domestic
violence.  Again, although poster and advertising campaigns around the issues
of domestic violence and sexual harassment have been conducted in many
countries, sexual assault has not received the publicity it warrants.

     (iii)  Violence related to tradition and custom

70.  In a number of countries, women are subjected to violent or harmful
treatment because of practices which are regarded as traditional, customary or
prescribed by religion.  Four such practices are:  violence related to dowry,
widowhood rites, sati and female circumcision.

71.  In all four instances legal strategies have been introduced to
criminalize the practice, in the hope that this will lead to its eradication. 
However, here more than in other contexts where women are the subject of
abuse, the law alone cannot be relied on to change practices which are rooted
deeply in tradition and culture and which, to a certain extent, are defended
by both women and men, despite the fact that they have patently harmful
consequences.

72.  Harmful traditional and customary practices will be eradicated only when
there is fundamental societal change, which will occur with attitudinal change
at all levels.  This sort of change can be achieved only with a combination of
short-term and long-term measures aimed at the particular practice and at the
cause of the practice:  inequality.  Such measures include formal and informal
education, effective use of media and clear commitment from government, which
must be prepared not only to condemn such practices legislatively but also to
ensure that the legislation is implemented in good faith.

73.  In a few instances, educational campaigns sought to demonstrate the
danger inherent in a practice and change both men's and women's attitudes to
it.  Such campaigns directed at women performing, for example, circumcision,
have not been as focused as those to stop dowry-related violence, but in those
countries where the practice is customary, poster campaigns and training
modules for service providers have been introduced.  These have aimed at the
transformation of the social, religious and cultural bases of the practice. 
Further, in a number of these countries, high-level members of government have
been prepared to make statements condemning the practice, drawing attention to
the health risks to girls and women which accompanies it. 


           4.  Effects of armed or other kinds of conflict on women

74.  The provisions of the Strategies under the theme of Peace (paras.
232-262) reflect the stage of governmental discussion on the subject in the
mid-1980s, covering the climate of "cold war", the lack of clear focus on the
gender difference in approaches to such matters as security, disarmament,
conflict resolution, and the situation of women and children in the occupied
Palestinian territories, under apartheid and in areas of armed conflict.  The
areas described in the Strategies and discussed during and after the Nairobi
Conference by intergovernmental bodies, were often viewed as an extension of
the political confrontation between East and West over such issues as
disarmament, armed conflict, the problems of the Middle East and apartheid
rather than an attempt to reflect thoroughly the women's perspective with
regard to those issues.  There were, however, some themes, such as the role of
women in education for peace, in peace research, in decision-making and in
non-governmental activities which had more potential for reflecting women's
contributions and perspectives and which were less politicized.

75.  The same spirit was reflected in the listing of the main obstacles to
peace, which affect particularly the advancement of women, which included
international tension and violations of the Charter of the United Nations; the
arms race, in particular, the nuclear arms race; armed conflict; external
domination; foreign occupation; acquisition of land by force; aggression;
imperialism; colonialism and neo-colonialism; racism; apartheid; gross
violations of human rights; terrorism; repression; the disappearance of
persons; and discrimination on the basis of sex.  Other obstacles listed were
historically established hostile attitudes; ignorance and bigotry between
countries, ethnic groups, races, sexes, and socio-economic groups and lack of
tolerance for different cultures and traditions; poverty; tension in
international economic and political relations; the spread of the arms race;
and violation of the principle of justice.

76.  At the time of the Nairobi Conference, the different approaches of
women's non-governmental organizations were articulated in feminist
publications and research.  Their understanding of peace, rejection of
violence in all its forms, holistic approach to peace, and invisible
contribution to the promotion of more conciliatory and peaceful attitudes were
well established in all parts of the world (although most advanced in North
America and Western Europe).  The views and activities of women were, in
general, in opposition to those of Governments and the "official" line of
thinking.  They were also very diversified, as demonstrated at the "Peace
Tent" at the Non-governmental Forum, parallel to the Nairobi Conference.

77.  Although in the mid 1980s peace-related discourse and activities on the
part of non-governmental organizations and of Governments remained separate,
non-governmental research and literature had an impact on governmental
attitudes.  In the Strategies, the issue of violence against women was for the
first time placed under the theme of Peace, thus affirming the feminist claim
that violence in all its forms and at all levels has the same roots and that
there is an obvious connection between violence against women and war-related
violence.  In paragraph 13 of the Strategies, the Conference adopted a broad
definition of peace, reflecting the feminist view that

         "The full and effective promotion of women's rights can best occur
     in conditions of international peace and security where relations among
     States are based on the respect for the legitimate rights of all
     nations, great and small, and peoples to self-determination,
     independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and the right to live
     in peace within their national borders.
     
     ...

         "Peace includes not only the absence of war, violence and
     hostilities at the national and international levels but also the
     enjoyment of economic and social justice, equality and the entire range
     of human rights and fundamental freedoms within the society.

     ...

         "It also embraces the whole range of actions reflected in concerns
     for security and implicit assumptions of trust between nations, social
     groups and individuals.  It represents goodwill towards others and
     promotes respect for life while protecting freedom, human rights and the
     dignity of peoples and of individuals.  Peace cannot be realized under
     conditions of economic and sexual inequality, denial of basic human
     rights and fundamental freedoms, deliberate exploitation of large
     sectors of the population, unequal development of countries, and
     exploitative economic relations.  Without peace and stability there can
     be no development.  Peace and development are interrelated and mutually
     reinforcing.

     ...

         "Peace is promoted by equality of the sexes, economic equality and
     the universal enjoyment of basic human rights and fundamental freedoms. 
     Its enjoyment by all requires that women be enabled to exercise their
     right to participate on an equal footing with men in all spheres of the
     political, economic and social life of their respective countries,
     particularly in the decision-making process, while exercising their
     right to freedom of opinion, expression, information and association in
     the promotion of international peace and cooperation."

78.  Other themes included in the Strategies, such as the participation of
women in decision-making in the areas of peace, disarmament and security; the
participation of women in international activities as representatives of their
countries at international meetings, including those of the United Nations and
regional bodies; the participation of women in the diplomatic service of their
countries; and the employment of women by international organizations,
including the United Nations system have become increasingly important.  With
the decreasing tension between East and West and the increasing number of
States Parties to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women, the lack of progress on the implementation of
its articles 7 and 8 related to the participation of women in the political
arena at the national and international level, becomes striking.

79.  The view that there could be no increase in the participation of women
in peace, security, and conflict-resolution areas until the enormous gap
between the de jure and the de facto situation of women in decision-making is
bridged is generally recognized, and since 1990, the participation of women in
decision-making has become one of the most visible issues under the theme of
Peace.  Although the practical progress has been very slow, there is increased
interest in addressing this issue, as reflected by numerous governmental
discussions, expert group meetings and publications.

80.  The 1990 review and appraisal cited certain fields, such as disarmament
and multilateral diplomacy, which are crucial for the preservation of peace
and yet in which women are highly underrepresented.  For example, in the Talks
on Mutual Reduction of Armed Forces and Associated Measures in Central Europe,
which were held at Vienna, between 1975 and 1986, there were only 10 women in
the 19 delegations.  Half of them (five women out of 92 delegates, or
5 per cent) participated only at the end of the talks.  In the permanent
missions to the United Nations in 1989 women constituted 20 per cent of the
diplomatic personnel.  Thirty-six per cent (57 delegations) had no women on
the staff at all.  The highest percentage of women delegates were in the Latin
American and the Caribbean region (39 per cent).  The Western European and
Others group had (26 per cent); Africa, 15 per cent; Asia and the Pacific,
12 per cent; and Eastern Europe, 4 per cent.  The representation of women in
the First Committee of the General Assembly, which deals with disarmament and
international security in the period 1985-1988 was 7.9 per cent.  The highest
representation was from Latin America and the Caribbean - 16.3 per cent. 
These international levels reflect the situations at the national levels.  The
participation of women is lowest in decision-making in the area of defence.

81.  Fewer than one third of those developing countries providing national
reports in 1990 indicated that specific measures had been taken for increasing
women's active participation in the area of peace.  Some of those countries
called attention to their distribution of information on peace matters,
support to women's participation in peace-related activities and conferences,
and the importance of women's activities in this area.  A few countries
mentioned the importance of national machinery in this respect.  Several
developed countries mentioned their efforts to increase the participation of
women in senior positions in international organizations.  They also mentioned
valuable work by non-governmental organizations in this respect, involving
support to South Africa, Central America and Palestine; disarmament; support
to refugees; peace marches; support to women in developing countries; and
protests against nuclear build-up.

82.  Most developing and several developed countries reported on the role of
women in education for peace and the measures undertaken by the Governments to
increase and support this role, by means of the dissemination of information;
participation in conferences and meetings; integration of the subjects of
peace, cooperation, tolerance, sexual equality, into school curricula;
promotion of peace culture and art; strengthening of education for peace in
the family; training in the resolution of conflicts; and strengthening of
human rights and liberties.  Some countries produced special material on peace
issues.  Peace education was considered one of the main areas of activity of
women's organizations.  Several countries mentioned their support to peace
research through the designation of funds and cooperation with the United
Nations system.

  In the review and appraisal, the main obstacles mentioned to the
participation of women in peace-related activities were military expenditure
and direction of funds for military purposes; armed conflict; low level of
education; insufficient communication; economic conditions, and the large
portion of the world's women affected by regional conflicts and violence
against women.

84.  In resolution 1990/15, the Economic and Social Council noted, in
conclusions arising from the first review and appraisal of the implementation
of the Nairobi Strategies, that:

         "22.  Despite the progress made in some areas, international,
     regional and national conflicts persist, and women continue to number
     among their main victims.  At the same time, women are no more prominent
     among those making decisions on conflicts than in the past. 

         "Recommendation XX.  Governments should be encouraged to increase
     the participation of women in the peace process at the decision-making
     level, including them as part of delegations to negotiate international
     agreements relating to peace and disarmament and establishing a target
     for the number of women participating in such delegations.

         "The United Nations and the international non-governmental
     organizations concerned should continue to monitor and support greater
     involvement of women in the peace process."
 
85.  Of the 63 national reports that were analysed for this document, only 34
addressed, sometimes in a very general way, the issues of women and peace. 
They focused on the situation of refugee women, the participation of women in
the military and police force and the participation of women in
non-governmental activities related to peace.


                5.  Women and peace in the post-cold war period

86.  With the end of the "cold war", the attempts to establish democracy, a
market economy and international cooperation throughout the world have reduced
the interest of some Governments in the issue of women and peace.  Other
Governments, however, have focused on the emerging situation and women's roles
in it, pointing to the linkage between the participation of women in all
spheres of life as full citizens, including the peace process, and the
prospects of building new, democratic societies; women's participation in
national and international decision-making related to peace; and women's
participation in conflict resolution.  With the concept of a new international
world order, which should be formed and guarded in the future by an
international peace force under the auspices of the United Nations, women's
new roles came into discussion.  Besides traditional peace-keeping roles,
women should perform various other functions, in the international police and
military, as peacemakers and negotiators of peace settlements, and as
supervisors of elections, national reconciliation and democratization.

87.  Similar changes of focus and searches for new identities characterized
all spheres of peace-related activities at the non-governmental level,
including women's organizations, research institutions and female researchers.

It seems that, at this level, increasing attention and importance is being
attached to the participation of women in all aspects of peace-keeping,
negotiation and peace-making, including decision-making.  The fact that women
have been excluded from those areas and have suffered the consequences of
violent international and domestic conflicts and the destruction and waste of
human and material resources is now being actively addressed by women.

88.  Women's long participation in non-governmental activities related to
peace has been fruitful to them in organizing demonstrations and peace
education and in offering alternatives to a militarized society.  The focus
has been on avoiding or ending violence, which has been almost exclusively
perpetrated by men.  Women peace researchers have shown the common roots of
all forms of violence, from family and personal violence to war, and have
indicated that there can be no real peace without the elimination of all forms
of discrimination and oppression.  They have advocated participatory
democracy, the preservation of a healthy environment, the elimination of
instruments of war, ensuring the prevalence of values and attitudes for peace,
and developing a new type of interpersonal and international relations based
on partnership and tolerance.

89.  Another issue newly on the agenda, in the new context, is war-related
violence and the suffering of women.  Attention was given to the situation of
women and children in armed conflict and the obligation of parties to observe
all the rules outlined in the Hague and the Geneva Conventions and in the
Additional Protocols to the Geneva Conventions.  Another area under the topic
of women and peace was the situation of refugee women, resulting in most cases
from armed conflicts - their legal status; vulnerability to abuse, violence
and all forms of discrimination; and means of assistance.

90.  In certain recent armed conflicts in different parts of the world,
various forms of direct violence were used against women, including rape and
forced prostitution.  They were used as a "weapon", to humiliate.  The most
extensive gender-related violence against women was reported in the former
Yugoslavia.  It obliged the international community to address the issue of
violence against women during armed conflicts.  The focus is on the necessity
of creating an international mechanism that would make possible fast and
prompt international investigation and court proceedings for the perpetrators,
just as in all other cases of war crimes.  On the other hand, it is felt that
there should be more emphasis on the empowerment of women, which would enable
them to have more say in decisions related to war or peace; reconciliation or
violence, which would allow them to contribute to preventing such tragedies
rather than becoming their victims.  There should also be more effective
mechanisms for assisting women victims of war-related violence to rebuild
their confidence, strengthen their self-reliance and eliminate their victims'
syndrome.

91.  Thus, there was increasing understanding that women should play an equal
part in the peace efforts defined in the Agenda for Peace - first, because
their participation in such activities was their right as citizens of their
countries;  secondly, because there were reasons to believe that they would
bring to those operations specific skills and abilities that otherwise would
not be available.
 
92.  Existing research indicates that, in order to have a substantive impact
on decision-making in terms of content, priorities, style and working climate,
the critical mass must be at least 30-35 per cent.  Such a level of
participation would enable a minority to influence the culture of the group. 
Women have achieved a critical mass at the national decision-making level in
only a few countries, particularly the Nordic countries.  When women in those
countries acted in solidarity, they were able to have a visible impact on
political decisions and the political culture.  For example, they changed
peoples' attitudes to female leaders and placed on the public agendas such
issues as social support service, equality, health care, protection against
violence and women's reproductive rights. 

93.  According to public opinion polls, surveys and other sources of
information, in some countries of North America and Western Europe, women are
less militaristic than men, more concerned with the preservation of peace, and
more opposed to increased militarization or nuclear energy.  Women more
strongly support measures to protect the environment, help the economically
disadvantaged, improve race relations, and regulate and control by law of
various social vices.  While most of the empirical studies came from developed
countries, there are more and more indications that women in developing
countries also made attempts to include women's issues on public agendas.  For
example, women's groups in Mexico have campaigned against rape and domestic
violence; in India women organized the Chipko movement to secure a ban on
felling trees and to replant the available land and manage it properly.  In
Kenya, the Green Belt Movement focused on planting trees, contributing
significantly to the reduction of deforestation.  Women's different political
style has also been noted among female politicians at the local level. 
Whenever women have joined the decision-making bodies in sufficient numbers,
they have created a more collaborative atmosphere, characterized by mutual
respect, independent of prevailing political differences, and have sought
consensus or acceptance rather than a win-or-lose solution.  They focused more
on solving than discussing the problems.  These approaches would be most
useful with regard to peace and security matters at the national and
international levels.

94.  Seven countries reported on women's non-governmental activities related
to peace.  Two focused on activities related to national reconciliation in
war-torn areas and in the neighbouring countries.  They included peace
campaigns, humanitarian work, assistance to refugees, and contacts between
women emigrants and the women's groups in the country in order to contribute
to the peace dialogue.  One country reported on women's involvement in radio
programmes for dialogue and peace in the warring countries (Ethiopia,
Somalia).  One country emphasized that women should be trained for future
positions in the process of reconstruction and that United Nations agencies
should take the lead in this respect.  One country reported that due to a
women's campaign, one of its provinces was declared a nuclear-free zone in
1992.

95.  One country stressed the important role of national and international
non-governmental organizations in increasing awareness of rural women and the
important roles of women as peace makers at home, at the community level, and
as teachers.  Women performed those roles throughout their lifetimes
participating in matrimonial, religious and governmental reconciliation.

96.  One country focused on the significant role which women's
non-governmental organizations played with regard to the development of
self-reliance and the leadership capabilities of women; the promotion of the
ideals of disarmament and human rights through various international
initiatives, friendship associations, the active participation of women in
international meetings and the global peace movement; building women's
networks; citizen's diplomacy; and advocating peace.  Women also worked, alone
and with men, in many organizations and professional associations, addressing
women's concerns related to disarmament, human rights, war crimes, rape,
sexual violence and conflict resolution.  In this way, women have had an
impact on governmental policy relating to the moratorium on nuclear weapons
and preventing the deployment of cruise missiles.

97.  Reference was made to the gender gap in men's and women's attitudes to
war and peace and to the substantial differences in view reflected by public
opinion polls in relation to defence spending, social programmes and funding
priorities.  The tendency of women to form their own opinions and programmes
on the new world order, legislation and development was noted.  The issues on
women's agendas included the destruction of nuclear weapons arsenals,
reduction in the number other weapons world wide, ratification of all treaties
related to the elimination of nuclear weapons and renewal of the Non-
Proliferation Treaty, conversion of minds and States from military to peaceful
pursuits, reallocation of resources from military to peaceful uses, peaceful
conflict resolution, education for peace, reduction in violence, and
protection of human rights of women.

     a.  Diplomacy

98.  Six countries reported on women in diplomacy, providing some figures on
the participation of women in the diplomatic service.  It was emphasized by a
few that women's participation in the foreign service did not match their high
contribution to peace at the non-governmental level.  One country pointed that
there was an increase in the number of women ambassadors, but the figures
remained very low - three or two.  One country pointed to the significant
increase in the number of women diplomats:  6 women out of 150 total in 1980;
23 out of 133 in 1985 and 1990; and 25 out of 106 in 1994.  Reference was also
made to the participation of women as members of delegations to national and
international peace-related meetings, including United Nations bodies, such as
the Security Council and on peace-keeping missions.  Special reference was
made to the three women out of five total, including the woman ambassador to
Rwanda, participating in peace negotiations for Rwanda in 1993.

99.  One country stated that its overall goal was that 20 per cent of its
executive should be women by 1995, up from 11 per cent in 1994 and 7 per cent
in 1985.  Among ambassadors 4 per cent were women in 1985, 9 per cent in 1993.

The distribution of posts was most equal within the Department for
International Developmental Cooperation and the male-dominated political
departments.  The key missions (Washington, D.C., Tokyo, Moscow, London,
Paris) were dominated by men.  Women were highly represented as diplomats in
administration (42 per cent, comparing to 28 per cent in 1985).  Another
country reported that among top-level executives, 6.7 per cent were women.  By
the end of 1991, 19.4 per cent of the foreign service employees were women,
which was an improvement of 6.5 per cent over the period of a few years.  In
the field of development cooperation, only 11 per cent of employees in 1992
were women.

100. Two countries reported on specific measures under consideration to
accelerate the promotion of women administrative officers and women candidates
for United Nations posts, plans of action to change attitudes and habits, and
analyses of equality problems in the ministries of foreign affairs.


          6.  Women in the military, police forces and peace-keeping

101. No systematic data exists on women in the military.  The largest amount
of data is held by the States members of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) and the Western European Union.  Half of those countries
have legislation and policies excluding women from combat, although women's
service has been encouraged for the same length of time and the same pay and
including the same training and discipline as that of men.  Most rules permit
pregnant women to remain in the service and provide for parental leave, but
limit the rank that women can achieve.  Differing rules seem, however, to have
limited impact on participation rates.  For example, in Canada, which has an
egalitarian approach, women constitute only 12 per cent of the military; in
the United States which prohibits women's service in combat, the figure is
11 per cent.  In 5 of the countries the participation was 2-4 per cent; in 8
of the 15, it was negligible.

     a.  Women in the military

102. Research in 45 countries shows that in only 13 countries do women make
up more than 10 per cent of the service members.  In most countries women
perform different functions.  Even in countries where women can serve as
regular members of a State military, there is usually a restriction on combat.

Israel, where service is mandatory for women, is a case in point.  In only a
few countries is the combat role open - Belgium, Canada, Luxembourg, the
Netherlands, Norway, Venezuela and Zambia.  A majority of women are not in
combat units.  In Canada, which recently removed all restrictions based on
gender, women constituted 12 per cent of those in active duty and 20 per cent
of the reserves, but a few are in combat specialities.  The principal opening
for women are in medical professions and clerical and administrative
positions.

103. The accessibility of military service to women has rarely been reported
by the States parties to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women.  Some countries - for example, Australia,
Austria, Germany, New Zealand, and Thailand - have made reservations to
various provisions of the Convention, including its articles 7 and 8 with
regard to the participation of women in the military.

104. The participation of women in the military has been a controversial
issue.  Many men and women think that it is "men's business".  The historical
reservation of military roles to men is largely the result of social
construction, separation between men's and women's roles, and stereotypes of
"the protectors" and "the protected".  What is often overlooked is that the
military is an integral part of any political system.  All Governments have a
military, and economic dependence on the military is widespread.  Since the
military constitutes an important element of State order, decision-making and
governance, all citizens should be concerned about the kind of military they
have.  By being outside the military, women cannot be involved in the
decision-making related to the use of military forces or changes in military
institutions and overall control over their performance.  The military
accounts for a large proportion of public expenditure, is an important
employer, and provides career opportunities and training that can lead to
careers outside the military.

105. Seventeen countries reported on the participation of women in the
military.  The data on the proportion of women is fragmented and not
comparable.  Some developing countries stated that although women were part of
the military force, there were no figures available.  Generally the
participation of women as officers and even at the highest levels is on the
increase, reaching in a few countries around 12 per cent.  In one country,
between September 1987 and June 1993, women's participation increased from
10.2 per cent to 11.6 per cent, despite reductions in the Department's
personnel.  There were three cases of top-ranking women.

106. The same tendency was noted with regard to women graduates of military
academies.  In one country they constituted 9.8 per cent of the total in
June 1993, and it was noted that women were gradually promoted at rates
similar to those of men.  In one country, the ministry of defence established
a network of women officers and cadets.  In another country the scope of
training for women officers and cadets was modified to suit women's
requirements.  In another country, the participation of women in military
academies was annually determined by a decision of the Minister of National
Defence.  It was 10 per cent in the year 1993/94, but in reality women in all
three academies constituted less than 1 per cent.  A number of countries
reported lifting completely or partly the restrictions on women's
participation in certain units, services (for example, submarines, fighter
pilots) or combat activities.  In most countries women remain excluded from
combat duties or are restricted in them.  Women continue to be represented in
medical, administrative, legal, telecommunication, logistics, transportation
and teaching branches.

107. In some countries military service is not compulsory, in others, it is
compulsory for men.  In most countries, the entry requirements, conditions of
service and criteria for promotion for women were similar to those for men
(except in areas from which women were excluded).  One country, however,
reported that women can be restricted to day-time duties by the commanding
officer.  The decision whether or not to deploy women in combat was also left
to the discretion of the commander.  There was a tendency to discriminate
against women officers by offering them fewer educational and promotional
opportunities and denying them leadership and decision-making posts because
there was a "danger" of maternity and because women were "weaker". 
Discrimination can be also found in the rules governing marriages of
personnel.  They are gender neutral but, in practice, disadvantageous to
women.  For example, if an officer marries a fellow officer, a marriage
allowance is paid to the head of the household, depending on who is senior; if
a marriage takes place between officers of different ranks, the lower rank
should resign; accommodation is offered to a senior spouse; marriages between
women corp members and civilians are allowed, but a woman defence personnel
who marries a civilian will not be given accommodation since it is expected
that a husband will provide housing.  Whenever the civilian husband is
transferred to a town with no military barracks, the woman has to resign.

108. A few countries stated that women started to be enlisted and recruited
for the first time, as logistic support, during the liberation wars in the
region.  A few countries referred to the participation of women in war as
rebels.

109. A few countries referred to the participation of women in international
military structures (NATO) and operations (Gulf War).  One country made
reference to Operation Desert Storm in Kuwait, in 1990-1991, where women
represented 7 per cent of the force.  They worked in all locations, including
undeveloped desert areas, as clerks, mechanics, health-care providers, fuel
handlers, intelligence analysts, helicopter pilots and military police.  They
were banned from combat but received all relevant allowances and ribbons.  The
perception of their performance was very high.  They endured the same harsh
conditions as the men; physical strength was not an issue; and gender did not
determine a unit's cohesion - in fact, mixed-gender units sometimes functioned
better.

     b.  Peace-keeping

110. Some countries reported on the participation of women in peace-keeping. 
They noted that it was a positive experience.  In most cases women served in
support roles.  In one case their participation was 32 per cent of the
national force.  Two Nordic countries pointed that women could sign up for a
peace-keeping force after undergoing training, required for men as well.  One
country specified that women with military background could apply like men and
be recruited, whereas women without that type of background could be recruited
for administrative, support activities.  Reference was made to the
difficulties faced by women in the religious States.  The awareness of such
difficulties should become a part of the training.  Although most women had
non-military functions, there were three female officers.  Another country
noted that women performed a variety of functions, as medical and
administrative personnel, in supply and logistics, as military police, and in
civilian leadership positions with the Defence Department.

     c.  Civilian leadership positions

111. A few countries reported on the participation of women in civilian
leadership positions in the military/security sector, thus confirming that
they continue to be exceptional positions for women.  One country referred to
a woman serving as the chairperson of the National Unification Committee,
negotiating the peace and reconciliation process in the country.  Another
country reported that women veterans offered comprehensive assistance to war
veterans.  It further pointed to the tradition of women occupying a few of the
highest positions in the civilian arm of the defence forces.  In order to
facilitate this type of career, a variety of measures that were particularly
helpful to women were taken.  They included 317 family centres providing a
variety of services; child care in 389 locations around the world; a special
programme to address family and spousal abuse.  The latter programme seemed to
be particularly important since 64 per cent of the uniformed women officers
and 30-40 per cent of the civilian military personnel reported being harassed.

Unlike civilians, officers could not use the 1964 Civil Rights Act and had to
rely on informal, ad hoc procedures.  There was a high rate of unreported
harassment, since officers feared dismissal or retaliation.  The Department of
Defence had also undertaken annual policy statements, training programmes,
prompt and thorough investigations, accountability procedures for commanders
and supervisors, procedures for seeking redress, sexual harassment prevention
and education.

     d.  Police

112. In most of these countries reporting participation of women in the
police force was on the increase.  Most of the increase took place in the past
five years.  The same tendency applied to female cadets and trainees, which in
1993 in one country reached 33 per cent of the total.  Only certain countries
indicated the percentage of women police officers and high-ranking officials. 
In one country the percentage of women police chiefs was 13 per cent, the
highest of all.  Most women in the police force were specifically assigned to
address the issue of violence against women, including rape, and take
responsibility for female prisons and women prisoners.  The special
contribution of women in those areas was highly recognized.  It, however,
limited their possibilities for promotion and career development.  Most
countries addressed the issue of violence against women through special
awareness-raising campaigns and training for the police.  One country reported
on the specific cultural difficulties which police women faced with male
colleagues and offenders, who did not recognize the authority of a woman. 
Another country reported on the creation in all police stations of special
women's desks to handle the acts of violence against women.  One country
reported on special equality policies procedures to address sexual harassment
within the police force, and attempts to provide part-time work opportunities
and re-training which might be of special interest to women.  One country
stated that it excluded women from the fire brigade police.


             7.  Obstacles and incentives to women's participation

113. The two expert group meetings organized by the Division for the
Advancement of Women in 1989 and 1991 provided some additional information on
the obstacles to the participation of women in decision-making and civil
service careers, including those in areas related to peace and security.  In
general, the obstacles include the unequal division of duties in the household
and in the care of children and the elderly; the economic dependency of women;
and prevailing inequality in all spheres of life, with violence against women
as its extreme form.  Other obstacles include women's double burden, negative
attitudes to women's political participation or to women in non-traditional
careers and media stereotyping. 

114. The specific obstacles to the participation of women in the civil
service include lack of adequate recruitment and promotion mechanisms; the
prevalence of "closed" recruitment and promotion systems, often based on
patronage, without clear requirements for entry or promotion; bias in job
evaluation and classification; insufficient appeal mechanisms and a general
absence of women from appeal bodies and selection, appointment and promotion
panels; unequal opportunities for career and training development; and the
marginalization of women in some areas of the civil service traditionally
considered as related to women or in positions intended to implement
affirmative action policies.

115. The factors conducive to the participation of women in political life,
including participation in peace-related activities are identified in the
existing documentation as level and field of education, democratic traditions
of the country, public concern for women's legal rights, open attitudes to
discussing women's issues, a tradition of respecting women's right to free
choice in all spheres of life, a high level of literacy in the country, and
knowledge of women's reproductive rights.  There is also correlation between
the participation of women in decision-making, including participation in
peace-related decisions, and adherence to the Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination against Women.  Countries that adhere to the
Convention without religious or cultural reservations have higher percentages
of women in decision-making.

116. With regard to temporary measures aimed at the increased participation
of women in peace-related activities, including decision-making, not much
progress can be noted.  Although article 4 of the Convention provides for
temporary special measures aimed at accelerating de facto equality although
its provisions could be used in connection with articles 7 and 8, which state
that "all appropriate measures" should be undertaken to eliminate
discrimination related to the political participation of women at national and
international levels, the introduction of quotas and targets is considered a
controversial measure.  Although some countries have established special
measures and programmes to increase the qualitative and quantitative
participation of women in decision-making and managerial posts, others
consider such measures non-democratic.  The most prominent example of
affirmative action is provided by Nordic countries where all boards and public
committees have a quota, ensuring  participation by both sexes.


                    8.  Effects of armed conflicts on women

117. Many countries - African ones, in particular - pointed that although
women were not decision makers on war and peace, the devastating results of
armed conflicts made them victims of displacement, poverty, family
disintegration and loss of home and land.  Armed conflicts also uprooted women
from their cultural and family environment and made them refugees and single
heads of households.

118. Due to conflicts in some regions, women have suffered from increased
criminality, robberies, murders and harassment by soldiers, including rape. 
Massacres and rapes by security forces to get information on wanted persons
are cases in point.  In some areas, however, women are the victims of policies
of ethnic purging and ethnic cleansing.

119. Reference was made by many to the invisible participation of women in
the democratic process and decision-making.  One country pointed that the
reduced possibilities of women to influence political decisions on peace were
due to psychological and material factors.  The warfare in Europe made many to
believe that it was necessary to have strong armed forces.  Although women
developed a new sense of violence and an understanding of the non-use of
force, very little depended on them, and the peace process in the region was
thus affected negatively.


                              9.  Women refugees

120. Many States addressed the situation of refugees.  Numerous and often
violent ethnic, tribal and civil conflicts in some regions caused flows of
refugees to neighbouring countries.  In a few cases, also owing to military
actions, there were internally displaced persons, including women.  Natural
disasters, such as famine, flood and drought, constituted a second reason for
seeking refuge.

121. In the majority of cases, most of the refugees were women and children. 
They were particularly vulnerable to abuse and violence.  They had often
experienced or witnessed violence in their countries of origin.  They were
sexually molested by men taking advantage of the chaos and the collapse of
structures and by the police and the military as well.  They experienced
hardship in transit and in refugee camps, where in general they could not
decide their own fate since they had no impact on the administration or the
decision-making.  There were very few cases of women involved in the
administration of camps.  Despite the efforts of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees, women and children refugees suffered
disproportionately due to patterns of distribution within the camps and in the
family.  Refugee women had very limited work opportunities or access to
credit.  One country, citing the results of a study on women refugees, pointed
out that among primary income earners, 35 per cent were women in villages,
32 per cent were in towns and 48 per cent were in refugee camps.  Women were
unaccustomed to being single heads of households, with men absent from the
camps.  They suffered from lack of privacy, psychological and mental health
problems, broken interpersonal relations.  Since men could not provide for
their families, women assumed all family duties, which had negative
consequences for their relationships.  Women began to question the traditional
role of men in the family.  The study also called attention to the "invisible"
displaced persons, often women, residing with relatives and not registered as
refugees whose problems could not be addressed.  One country reported on a
special programme addressed to refugee victims of torture, which focused on
women in order to teach them practical skills to service the community.

122. Many countries pointed that an influx of refugees can interfere with the
daily life, culture and economic situation of the receiving country.  That may
lead to the xenophobia, intolerance and the insecurity of both, the receiving
and the refugee population.  Receiving countries in regions of armed conflict
are cases in point.

123. Most countries reported on measures undertaken to assist refugee women. 
They included special educational programmes, including language courses;
programmes of integration into the labour market; health care; social
assistance, taking into consideration traditional barriers and child-care
responsibilities; rental subsidies; education of the public through the mass
media to be more tolerant to immigrants; self-help schemes, including training
in tailoring and marketing; child care and family planning supported by the
Government; and small enterprise programmes.  One country reported on the
establishment in 1994 of a special committee at the ministerial level on equal
rights of men and women refugees, to examine the status of women refugees and
to abolish the residence permit regulation when a woman refugee was a victim
of violence or if her marriage had been dissolved.  Another country referred
to its refugee act, stating that women had the same opportunities as men to
participate in training and instruction.  Special training was provided for
women as community workers.  In 1989, upon assessment of the needs of refugee
women, based on a special survey and contacts with women leaders and service
providers, new programmes were set up focusing on special needs of women who
were particularly vulnerable.  They included the promotion of refugee women's
initiatives, including literacy and English for homebound women; skills
training; domestic violence counselling; leadership training; and assistance
in establishing family business, often home-based.

124. Many countries supported UNHCR and its programmes and worked closely
with international governmental and non-governmental organizations.  One
country introduced a programme called "Women at Risk" focusing on the special
needs of refugee women.  Another country reported on special measures to help
women victims of armed conflict; to combat, in cooperation with UNRWA, UNHCR
and the Red Cross the bias of certain humanitarian organizations against
women; to support women victims of sexual abuse in the former Yugoslavia.

125. In some cases women played important roles in the rehabilitation of
refugees and displaced persons at the family level and as community
development assistants.  Since in some countries, village women constituted
most of the female refugees, some projects of assistance and rehabilitation
included agricultural projects of non-governmental organizations with the
governmental support.  Some Governments created for women refugees self-help
schemes, training them in tailoring, marketing, child care and family
planning.


                                     Notes

     1/  Magaret Schuler, ed., Freedom From Violence:  Women's Strategies
from around the World (New York, UNIFEM, 1992); Violence against Women in the
Family, (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.89.IV.5).

     2/  Kathleen Barry, Charlotte Bunch and Shirley Castley, eds.,
International Feminism:  Networking Against Female Sexual Slavery (New York,
International Women's Tribune Centre, 1984).

     3/  Universal Declaration of Human Rights, art. 16 (3); International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, art. 23 (1); African Charter on Human
and People's Rights, art. 18 (1).

     4/  D. D'Monte, "Maharashtra clamps down on prenatal sex tests", 
People,  (vol. 15, No. 3 (1998)); "Prenatal attack on women", Christian
Science Monitor  (10 March 1988), p. 23; V. Patel, "Sex determination and sex
preselection tests:  abuse of advanced technologies", in Women in Indian
Society, Ghadially, ed. (London, Sage, 1988).

     5/  S. Narasimhan, Sati:  A Study of Widow Burning in India (New Delhi,
Viking, 1990).

     6/  Middle East Watch/Women's Rights Project, "Punishing the victim: 
rape and mistreatment of Asian maids in Kuwait", Human Rights Watch, vol. 4,
No. 8 (August 1992).

     7/  Asia Watch/Women's Rights Project, A Modern Form of Slavery: 
Trafficking of Burmese Women and Girls into Brothels in Thailand (New York,
Human Rights Watch, 1993).

     8/  Amnesty International, Rape and Sexual Abuse:  Torture and Ill-
treatment of Women in Detention.  AI Index:  ACT 77/11/91 (New York, Amnesty
International, 1991); Women in the Front Line.  AI Index:  ACT 77/01/91 (New
York, Amnesty International, 1991).

     9/  Although rape, as well as sexual slavery and forced pregnancy, has
always been a feature of war, the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia have
produced the most recent evidence of women's vulnerability in conflict.  See
Amnesty International, Bosnia-Herzegovina:  Rape and Sexual Abuse by Armed
Forces.  AI Index:  EUR 63/01/93 (Washington, D.C., International Human Rights
Law Group, 1993); No Justice, No Peace:  Accountability for Rape and Gender-
Based Violence in the Former Yugoslavia (Washington, D.C., Amnesty
International, 1994); Bosnia-Herzegovina:  "You have no place here":  Abuses
in Bosnian Serb-controlled Areas.  AI Index:  EUR 63/11/94 (Washington, D.C.,
Amnesty International, 1994); "Rape and abuse of women in the territory of
former Yugoslavia" (E/CN.4/1994/5).  Evidence of the sexual victimization of
women in the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia coincided with the revelation
of systematic abduction of women, described as "comfort women", who were
subsequently forced into prostitution by the Japanese army during World War
II.  See David E. Sanger, "Japan admits it ran army brothels during war", New
York Times (8 July 1992).

     10/ America's Watch and Women's Rights Project, Untold Terror:  Violence
against Women in Peru's Armed Conflict (New York, Human Rights Watch, 1991);
Liberia:  Women and Children Gravely Mistreated (Boston, Physicians for Human
Rights).

     11/ S. Wali, Female Victims of Sexual Violence:  Rape Trauma and its
Impact on Resettlement (Geneva, World Health Organization/United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees, 1990); The State of the World's Refugees:  The
Challenge of Protection (London:  Penguin Books, 1993); "Note on certain
aspects of sexual violence against refugee women" (EC/1993/SCP/CRP.2); Africa
Watch and Women's Rights Project, Seeking Refuge, Finding Terror:  The
Widespread Rape of Somali Women Refugees in North Eastern Kenya (New York,
Human Rights Watch, 1993).

     12/ UNHCR, Guidelines for the Protection of Refugee Women (Geneva,
1991).

     13/ "Note on certain aspects of sexual violence against refugee women"
(EC/1993/SCP/CRP.2), paras. 9-12.

     14/ Resolutions 1986/29 of 23 May 1986 and 1990/5 of 24 May 1990.

     15/ See E/CN.6/1986/11, E/CN.6/1988/9 and E/CN.6/1992/5.

     16/ Resolutions 47/96 of 16 December 1992 and 48/110 of
20 December 1993.

     17/ Report of the Working Group on Slavery on its eighth session
(E/CN.4/Sub.2/1982/21), chap. IV, recommendation 9.

     18/ Resolution 1982/15 of 7 September 1982.  The Subcommission appointed
Mrs. Halima Warzazi as Special Rapporteur of the Working Group on Traditional
Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children.  Her final report is to
be found in document E/CN.4/Sub.2/1991/6 of 5 July 1991.

     19/ Resolution 1988/57, on traditional practices affecting the health of
women and children.

     20/ Report of the Working Group on Traditional Practices Affecting the
Health of Women and Children (E/CN.4/1986/42).

     21/ Report of the Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery on its
sixteenth session (E/CN.4/Sub.2/1991/41).  See also resolution 3/2 of the
Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice, concerning international
traffic in minors.  

     22/ Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees,
Executive Committee Conclusion, No. 68 (XLIII), 1992; No. 73 (XLIV), 1993.

     23/ Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees,
Guidelines on the Protection of Refugee Women (Geneva, 1991).

     24/ Roxanna Carillo, Battered Dreams:  Violence Against Women as an
Obstacle to Development (New York, UNIFEM, 1992).

     25/ See art. 17 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (General Assembly resolution 34/180).

     26/ Economic and Social Council resolution 1991/18.  See also the report
of the Expert Group Meeting on Violence against Women, Vienna,
11-15 November 1991 (EGM/VAW/1991/1).

     27/ Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action of the World Conference
on Human Rights, paras. 18 and 38.  See also specific reference to violence
against girl-children in para. 21 of the Declaration and paras. 48 and 49 of
the Programme of Action.

     28/ "Report of the Expert Group Meeting on Measures to Eradicate
Violence against Women", 4-8 October 1993 (MAV/1993/1).

     29/ Resolution 1994/45, 4 March 1994.

     30/ The National Strategy on Violence Against Women (Canberra, 1992).

     31/ Changing the Landscape:  Ending Violence - Achieving Equality
(Ottawa, Ministry of Supply and Services, 1993).


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