1. Place of Ageing Concerns in the National Agenda

    The growing concern for the aged population in Asian societies arises first from the fact that, as about three-quarters of the world population is living in this region, the sheer number of elderly people to be considered is enormous (JOICFP, 1989). Taking China as an example, the percentage of the elderly aged 65 and above represented about 5.9 per cent of the total population in 1990, or 65 million people, which is already larger than the national population of most countries in Europe. However, not only has the size of the elderly population in Asia caused concern, but the rate of increase also makes Asia stand out in its ageing process. In 1990, while the percentage of those aged 65 and above represented about 5 per cent of the total population in the whole of Asia, as compared with 6.2 per cent for the world, it is projected that by the year 2020, the figures for Asia and the world will both be standing at about 9.2 per cent. In other words, the population in Asia will be ageing faster than that of the other regions of the world.

    Great variations also exist between ageing in different Asian countries and territories. Although it is projected that the elderly population in most Asian countries and territories will exceed 7 per cent only by the year 2020, it is known that Japan and Hong Kong had already reached this figure in the 1980s. In fact, it has been projected that the East Asian region, which includes Japan, China, Taiwan Province of China, Hong Kong and the Republic of Korea, will have their elderly population constituting nearly 14 per cent of the total population by the year 2025, a figure close to what most Western industrially-advanced countries are experiencing at the moment. However, while most of the latter, like France, Sweden and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, have seen more than half a century pass before their elderly population increased from 7 per cent to 14 per cent, this will take only 20 to 30 years in countries and territories in the East Asian region. Hence, while most Western industrially-advanced countries reached population maturity much earlier, most Asian countries will catch up with them in population ageing in a matter of two to three decades (ESCAP/JOICFP, 1991). Asian countries will therefore have a much shorter time to prepare for their population maturity and this will pose special difficulties for the establishment of measures like retirement pension schemes, which usually need many years to mature and take effect. This also means that the ageing problems that Asian countries have to tackle, as well as the strategies they will employ to solve them, may not be the same as those found in the Western industrially - advanced countries.

    The enormous numbers of the elderly and their rapid rate of increase have no doubt been the two main reasons for making population ageing an important item in the national agenda in most Asian countries and territories. The speed and dimensions of population ageing makes it impossible for Asian governments to ignore the social and economic changes it will bring about.

    The first problem which most governments have to tackle is often the increasing demand for social services by the elderly population, especially health care, and hence the increasing proportion of resources which needs to be allocated for such purposes. The amount of resources required, as well as the extent to which governments are prepared to commit, would vary, of course, between different Asian countries but as long as the need is there, it would remain an active item on the national agenda. The ageing of the population would further imply a change in the economic structure of the country as it would result, in the majority of cases, in a relative reduction in the proportion of the labour force and a restructuring of the consumption patterns among the general population, moving from a concentration on goods consumed by the young to more attention being given to the needs of the elderly (Schulz, Borowski, and Brown, 1991). While one may find it difficult to predict the changes which Asian countries will have to undergo, compared to those that have occurred in most Western industrially-advanced countries, it is certain that the sooner Asian countries put population ageing on the national agenda, the better in order to respond to the needs of their elderly people.

2. Sensitivity to Ageing Issues in National Policies

    But the inclusion of population ageing in the national agenda is definitely not sufficient. Governments in Asia must also be sensitive to the following special social and economic features in meeting the challenges of population ageing. First, notwithstanding the very high degree of urbanisation which has occurred in some of the Asian countries such as Japan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Province of China, others still have the majority of their population living in villages. In China and India, rural peasants constitute over three-quarters of the total population (Wang and Hull, 1991). Policies in these countries which are targeted at the elderly living in villages are consciously very different from those adopted in the cities.

    On the other hand, the majority of urban dwellers of most countries in Asia have only recently moved into cities. The policies which these countries need to adopt for their urban elderly will therefore be different from those countries with a long history of urbanization. Indeed, since urbanization and industrialization have occurred in nearly all the Asian countries, except Japan, in the present century, or even just since the Second World War, it can be assumed that the urban elderly who have now grown old in these countries are in fact the first generation to have undergone such experiences. In other words, as these urban elderly, who emigrated to the cities in their lifetime, enter their old age, they find life entirely different from what their ancestors experienced, and this certainly represents a most trying and difficult time of life for them. Elderly women face particularly difficult circumstances since the majority of them, while living in the cities, may never have had a job and hence are deprived of the necessary occupational benefits to protect their old age (ESCAP, 1991). Take Hong Kong as an example. Even in the early 1990s, over half of the elderly women aged 65 and above in Hong Kong were found never to have worked in a permanent job before. This situation will probably be the same in other Asian cities. Hence, in formulating their national policies for elderly people, Asian countries must be sensitive to the fact that their elderly populations are the first generation to have experienced ageing in a modern industrial society.

    Another feature that Asian countries must be sensitive to in formulating their national policies on the aged is the difference in marital status between male and female elderly. Since the cultural tradition in Asia is still for women to marry men older than themselves, coupled with a longer life expectancy for women, it is not surprising to find more female than male elderly without a spouse, especially in the more advanced age brackets. Chen and Jones, in their studies on ageing in ASEAN countries, pointed out that 'Widowed females constitute more than a quarter (29 per cent, to be exact) of all old people in the ASEAN countries, and thus represent a large enough group to justify special attention in planning programmes for the aged' (Chen and Jones, 1989:30). In addition to the tendency of males to marry females younger than themselves, Chen and Jones also noted 'the tendency for mortality rates for males beyond middle age to exceed those for females at the same ages,' and that 'widowed males are more likely to remarry than are widowed females' (Chen and Jones, 1989:30).

    Not only are there more widows, but their lives have also been the hardest hit by two additional factors. It is known that the level of educational attainment among elderly people in the newly industrializing areas of this region has been low, since compulsory education has only been implemented in some countries and territories in recent years. Illiteracy is, in fact, so prevalent in certain societies that it is not unknown for all elderly women and the majority of the elderly men to be illiterate. Because they have low educational attainment, the labour force participation rate of the elderly population in most Asian countries, even in places like Singapore and Hong Kong, where job opportunities are not scarce in supply, also tends to be low (Chen and Jones, 1989: table 3.9). On the other hand, where compulsory education has long been provided, such as in Japan and the Republic of Korea, the labour force participation rate of the elderly population tends to be high, even higher than the comparable figures in the United States of America and Germany (JOICFP: table 18). In other words, the low labour force participation rate of the elderly population, especially among women, in most Asian countries is not a result of the choice of the elderly population themselves, but rather a condition imposed upon them as a result of their lack of education. It can be foreseen that as more and more elderly people have had the opportunity to receive formal education, their labour force participation rate will increase, together with the growth of their countries' economies (ILO, 1992). This is particularly important as it implies that the elderly who retire due to regulation will have greater opportunities for engaging themselves in suitable jobs which can use their skills and experience.

    All in all, on top of the increasing number of the elderly and their rapid rate of growth, Asian governments in formulating their policies on the aged must be sensitive to some of the issues special to themselves and different from those of Western industrialized countries. At least, they must be aware that their urban elderly are usually the first group to have grown up in a modern industrial city, and are provided with a much weaker support network than used to be enjoyed by their ancestors. Governments must also be aware that not only are elderly women more numerous, but they are also often living without the companionship of a spouse, and are deprived of the economic security associated with gainful employment. In short, a substantial proportion of the elderly population in most Asian countries will be lonely and living in poverty. It has therefore become a challenge for all responsible governments in Asia to provide the elderly with the necessary assistance, as well as to formulate a policy to promote their general well-being.

3. Factors Influencing National Ageing Policies

    Demographic trends discussed above indicate that national policies on the aged are badly needed by countries in the Asian region. However, a policy on the aged is not only determined by the sheer number of elderly in the population; other social and cultural factors will be more important in influencing the kind of policies to be adopted. In most Asian countries, it is known that children are still very much expected to provide their elderly parents with the necessary financial and personal care support. The extent to which this obligation to support one's elderly parents can be maintained determines, in fact, to a large extent the need for state intervention (Bass and Morris, 1993). It should, however, be acknowledged that the effects of these social and cultural factors are difficult to measure and they also vary from country to country.

    Hal Kendig, in examining family support for older people in the Asian and Oceanic region, pointed out that 'The major religions and secular values throughout the region shape basic norms of respect and support for older people' (Kendig, 1992:12). And he was confident, and has evidence to show, that 'families and other social units can adapt to societal change, and cultural values can shape as well as respond to the forces of economic development' (Kendig, 1992:11). John McCallum was less optimistic about the resilience of the cultural values which govern the support of the elderly in facing up to the challenges, and even concluded from the evidence he obtained that 'the traditional family support system often could not provide adequate care for the elderly in the industrializing areas of rapidly developing Asian countries' (McCallum, 1993:2). He suspected that 'policy-makers were unable to see the need for public or at least community support for family with elderly members' because 'they were mostly men and insensitive to the burdens of care, or perhaps they were public officials wishing to present their society in a positive light' (McCallum,1993:2). Before arriving at any conclusion regarding the extent of influence still exercised by the cultural values governing the support of elderly people in Asian societies, and hence the national policies to be formulated by Asian governments on the aged, it might first be necessary to identify the exact nature of these values and the functions which they have played in the past and at present.

    The most important value which has been upheld in Asian societies, so far as the support of elderly people is concerned, is that the elderly should be highly esteemed and revered by the children. The question which has to be asked is to what extent does this value continue to hold? The second most widely held value in the Asian region, as a corollary of the first, is that the family system should play an indispensable role in supporting the old. The norm of filial piety, which has been regarded as sacrosanct in Asia, has been cited as an example of how a traditional belief has for centuries influenced the practice of supporting one's elderly parents (Chow, 1991). However, no matter how tenacious the belief is, the caring role of the family system in a modern industrial society has undoubtedly diminished. Even in the Republic of Korea, where filial piety is still so much emphasized, Ki-Dong Cho reported that 'there has been a rapid change from the traditional family system to individualism and pragmatism with little development of action programmes to address the needs of the marginalized elderly' (Cho, 1992:241). Hence, the question to be answered is to what extent, when formulating a national policy for the aged, can the family system be relied upon as a source of support for elderly people? The third most important value, following the arguments of the above two, is that formal support for the elderly, as that provided by public organizations, should only play a minor role supplementary to the family system (Tout, 1993). This is not to say formal support is not important, but the predominant role played by the family system in supporting the elderly in the Asian region suggests that any outside help would be regarded as an inferior service. Whether or not formal care is inferior to informal care provided by the family system has yet to be examined, but evidence from some Asian countries which have initiated community support services for the elderly, like Japan and China, shows that instead of weakening amily support, such programmes often make the families better able and more ready to take care of their elderly members.

    The above three values, namely, respect for the old, that families should support their elderly members, and that family care should be the best form of care, have no doubt greatly influenced the kind of national policies formulated in Asia on the aged. If these values continue to hold, it can be assumed that the pattern of care for the elderly will remain largely unchanged. On the other hand, if these values fail to exert an influence, and are only observed as a kind of lip service, changes in the existing policies regarding the support of the old will be very much needed. So far as the above three values are concerned, the first one of respecting the old can be operationalised to mean the position that elderly people occupy within the family and in the wider community. An examination of the financial and personal care support that the elderly are still receiving from their families will help to answer the question of whether or not family support is still available. As to the belief that formal support is only playing a supplementary role to family care, the best test is to examine the functions presently performed by public and community-based programmes in support of the elderly.

4. National Policies and Structures for Ageing Matters

    How are elderly people being perceived in Asian communities? Though people in Asian societies still, on the whole, pay high respect to the elderly, there is no doubt that the value is fast fading away and can no longer be taken for granted. The Singapore Advisory Council on the Aged stressed in its report in 1989 that 'filial piety and respect for the aged should be fostered and preserved' (The Advisory Council on the Aged, 1989:3). It further recommended that 'family members can transmit such values to children by example' (1989:3). The fact that the value has to be consciously preserved and transmitted to the younger generations implies that it is no longer a value staunchly upheld. Although elderly people in most Asian societies are no longer so highly respected as in the past, evidence shows that they are still playing an active role in family activities. In countries with a developing economy such as Malaysia, Sri Lanka and Thailand, it has been reported that the elderly still contributed the most in household work and they also often have the final say in family decisions. What can be concluded from the above discussion is that in formulating their national policies for the elderly, Asian governments must still take into consideration the important position occupied by the elderly, both within the family and in the wider community, and, as far as possible, make the necessary effort to preserve this age-old tradition.

    As to the second value, families in Asia are generally still expected to take care of their elderly members. Since it is difficult to quantify family support, it appears that the most convenient method of assessment lies in measuring the incidence of co-residence of the elderly with their children. In all countries in the Asian region, it has been found that the majority of elderly people are still living with their families. Even in Japan, Hitoshi Asano reported that in 1991, 58.2 per cent of elderly people were living with their children, 41.9 per cent with married ones, and 16.3 per cent with an unmarried one (Asano, 1992:235). In places like Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan Province of China and the Republic of Korea, all of which have mature economies, the percentage of elderly people living with their children hovered around 75 to 85 per cent (Chow, 1988). There is no doubt that because married children are moving away to live in new towns, the trend is for more and more elderly people to live alone or only with their spouse. However, it can be assumed that the norm of this region is still for elderly people to live with their grown-up children; there is even shame in not doing so. The support of the elderly will, therefore, remain in Asia as a family matter, though community support services for the elderly are increasingly called for.

    Social services provided to support the elderly have all begun in countries of this region as remedial measures to supplement what the family system failed to perform. Indeed, the development of formal support services for elderly people is still at a rudimentary stage for nearly all countries in the Asian region, and often takes a community-based approach, enabling the elderly to continue to live in the community and, in most cases, together with their families (Kosberg, 1994). The slow development in most places in Asia of formal programmes and services for the elderly indicates that they will never take the place of family care; and the apprehension, as pointed out by Jordan I. Kosbery, that 'the provision of alternatives to family care may be seen to legitimise and encourage the abandonment of family care-giving responsibilities' (Kosbery, 1992:198) should be discarded. Hence, governments in the Asian region should not use the claim that formal programmes for the elderly will replace the functions of the family as an excuse for not providing such services. Indeed, what is needed in Asia is a determination to ensure that the various sources of help for the elderly, whether formal or informal, are truly complementing each other in giving the elderly population the best support in old age.

    The above discussions on the three basic values influencing the formulation of national policies towards the elderly in countries of this region may have given the impression that the family is a panacea for their care. Far from the truth, it has to be recognized that expectations and desires regarding the functions of the family are changing. Though elderly people in the Asian region still expect their children to support them and, if possible, to live together in the same household, they also understand that under certain circumstances, these expectations cannot be fulfilled. In fact, evidence from some Asian societies, like Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan Province of China, indicates that increasing numbers of elderly persons found financial independence in old age even more important than securing support from their children; and they were also receptive to the idea of living alone should co-residence be found, both by themselves and their children, not such a convenient arrangement (Phillips, 1992). But it is also obvious for both practical and ideological reasons that family care, as long as it still plays an important role in providing support to the elderly, should not easily be put aside. It is important practically because formal support coming from either the state or the community is still, in most Asian countries, at an early stage of development; it is ideologically important because people in this region still believe that it is the best as well as the most desirable form of care.

    With the above understanding, it is possible to outline the policies which have been adopted in Asia for the aged. First, most countries in Asia have developed their policies for the aged only recently, largely in response to the World Assembly on Ageing held in Vienna in 1982. Some countries, like China, have set up their national committees on the aged; while others, like the Republic of Korea, have begun work on drafting the appropriate legislation to protect the rights of elderly people. The Vienna International Plan of Action on Ageing, which was issued after the World Assembly on Ageing, laid down a number of principles for countries to follow in developing their ageing policies and two were of particular interest to Asian countries. It was stressed that 'The spiritual, cultural and socio-economic contributions of the ageing are valuable to society and should be so recognized and promoted further' (World Assembly on Aging, 1982:19). Emphasis was also given to the fact that 'The family, in its diverse forms and structures, is a fundamental unit of society linking the generations and should be maintained, strengthened and protected, in accordance with the traditions and customs of each country' (World Assembly on Aging, 1982:19). The above two principles have been closely followed by nearly all Asian countries in formulating their national policies for the aged. For example, the policy adopted in Singapore aims, right from the beginning, to encourage the family and the community to care for the elderly as long as possible. Similar objectives were also embodied in Sri Lanka's government policy on the aged, in that traditional systems of caring for the elderly should be developed and that the family unit should also be strengthened in its capacity to care for elderly members (JOICFP, 1993:20-21). In Hong Kong, a recent policy paper on the aged published by the Government laid down as the first two basic principles that 'the dignity of older persons in society must be recognized and respected,' and that 'appropriate support should be provided for older persons and their families to allow old people to grow old in their home environment with minimal disruption' (Working Party Report on Care for the Elderly, 1994:vii).

    While acknowledging the importance of family support and the contributions of the elderly towards society, evidence increasingly shows that both the availability and the nature of family support have changed, and Asian governments, in formulating their policies for the aged, must be aware of these changes. First, studies found that the availability of kin is not enough of an indicator of support; it is also determined by such factors as 'proximity, quality of communication and the nature of support needed' (McCallum, 1994:5). In his study on ageing in Asia and the Pacific, John McCallum found that there were two trends which were of particular relevance to the formulation of policies on the aged in Asia: first, there was 'a shift away from daughters and daughters-in-law as providers of support towards older partners or co-residents' (McCallum, 1994:5), and secondly, 'social support in old age is provided by family and the local community but public services increase with development' (McCallum, 1994:9). As a result of the above changes and the increasing preference of the elderly themselves to be financially independent and to live alone, adaptations must be made to the policies to ensure the widest support to the elderly so that they would not be disadvantaged by out-dated beliefs and practices. The transition from an absolute emphasis on the role of the family in taking care of its elderly members to one advocating for a greater share of public responsibilities is probably a gradual process. For example, in Malaysia, there is still no specific policy for the aged; and the Malaysian Government, in its National Welfare Policy, announced in 1990, still maintained the position that 'the family remains the main carer for the elderly' (Masitah bt. Mohammad Yatim, 1994:13). It is also true of Indonesia where the government, in its 1993 Broad Guidelines of State Policy, insisted that the primary effort should still be directed at building sound and stable familie in providing care for the elderly. However, some countries in Asia are well aware that modifications to the existing policies are almost inevitable. For example, Napaporn Chayovan made the observation that 'although the family support in the form of co-residence is pervasive and does not appear to decline over the last decade, given the rapid social and economic changes that Thailand has been experiencing, it is uncertain whether the present level of family support will persist or the quality of care-giving will remain the same' (Chayovan, 1994:6).

    The 1991 Report on the World Ageing Situation suggested that there are three approaches that a government might take in regard to family care for the elderly (CSDHA, 1991). First is to regard the provision of care to the elderly as entirely a family obligation; second is to treat it as a voluntary activity of the family which must then be supplemented by state efforts; third is to regard support to the elderly as a form of compensation to be taken up by the state. The Report further found that 'socio-economic changes often have a net effect of marginalising the ageing, that is, removing them from the mainstream of development, weakening their traditional sources of material support and eliminating purposeful social and economic roles' (CSDHA, 1991:Part Two). Hence, as countries in Asia develop, it is necessary for national policies on the aged to change from a sole emphasis on the obligation of the family to one which also accepts the State as having a role to play. The special features which have been identified above, especially the notion of filial piety, must of course be taken into consideration in the formulation of national policies on ageing in Asia, but it appears that there is no escape from the reality that families in this region are less and less able and ready to provide the same kind and extent of care for their elderly members as they used to provide in the time before the development of their countries.

5. Government, Organizational and Legislative Issues on the Ageing

    Although legislation on protecting the interests of the elderly is scarcely regarded as necessary in Asia, most countries and territories in the region have formulated appropriate policies to promote the welfare of their ageing populations (ESCAP and JOICFP, 1991). In fact, Japan, as the most industrially advanced country in the region, has for a long time developed comprehensive policies and programmes for her ageing citizens. The newly industrializing economies, like Singapore, Hong Kong and the Republic of Korea, have also, in the last decade or so, come up with policies and statements on the care of the elderly within their populations. While governments of the newly industrializing economies have pledged their support for their elderly members, especially those in need of care, they have emphasized, almost without exception, that the responsibility of the government must come after that of their families, and particularly of their own children. Furthermore, emphasis is often placed on enabling elderly people to continue, as far as possible, living in the community rather than institutionalizing them. As for other countries in the Asian region, such as the Philippines, which have yet to reach the state of maturity in their population, they have begun, in anticipation of an increase in the proportion of the aged, to include programmes and services targeting the elderly population as part of their welfare development strategies. Hence, some kinds of programmes or strategies to promote the welfare of the elderly have already been developed in nearly all the countries and territories in the Asian region, and national committees on the aged have been set up in Bangladesh, China, Fiji, India, Pakistan, the Philippines, Sri Lanka and Thailand to be responsible for implementing the various programmes. As to specific provisions, they can be discussed as follows:

5.1 Social security

    Compared to the western industrialized countries, social security in the Asian region is still rather underdeveloped (ILO, 1992). So far as old age protection is concerned, retirement pensions are only available in a few countries in Asia, and in some cases, they are only available to workers in steady employment, like the Philippines, or those employed in state-owned enterprises, like China. The provident fund arrangement, which is largely a form of compulsory savings, has been used more widely in Asia as a method to provide financial security for old age. Although provident funds have been seen as a rather inefficient method to provide the necessary financial support for old age, they have proven to be the most congruent with the Asian culture which emphasizes individual and family responsibilities. In any case, as the majority of the elderly in the Asian region are still deprived of an independent income of their own, families will continue to play an important role in providing them with the necessary support (International Social Security Association Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific News Sheet, various issues).

    To supplement the role of the family, state assistance programmes for the elderly have been found to be particularly important. In some Asian countries, poverty eradication programmes have remained the mainstay of social security to relieve the hardship of the elderly who, for one reason or another, have to do without the support of their families. As long as this situation remains and until more adequate old age protection schemes can be developed, governments in the Asian region should look into ways and means of improving their assistance programmes which would not, on the one hand, cause too heavy a financial burden on the state and, on the other, encourage families to shed their responsibilities. Furthermore, since the employment rate among elderly people in Asia has, on the whole, been relatively low, there is a need for employment opportunities to be created for older persons in order to prevent their early and unnecessary financial dependence on their families.

5.2 Health care

    Increasingly, elderly people are consuming more and more medical and health care services. In Hong Kong, while the population aged 65 and above accounted for less than 10 per cent of the total population, they occupied nearly half of the hospital beds and also represented the major group in the consumption of various health services. On the other hand, health insurance programmes have only been introduced, on a substantial scale, in a few Asian countries or territories, namely Japan, the Republic of Korea and Taiwan Province of China. Hence, public medical and health services still form the most important part of the health care system in most countries in this region, although the amount spent on it seldom exceeds 2 or 3 per cent of the gross domestic product.

    As a basic support to the elderly population, medical and health care systems in Asian countries tend to be curative and remedial, rather than preventive and promotional in nature. A report of a WHO expert committee once suggested that for the developing world, 'emphasis should be placed upon prevention, health promotion and health maintenance, and support of the family in its traditional role' (WHO, 1989:30). It further suggested that 'the policy options being considered place the main emphasis on strengthening both family resources and the motivation to continue caring for the elderly' (WHO, 1989:65). Hence, the future development of health care for the elderly in this region must re-adjust its focus in placing the emphasis on preventive and maintenance aspects, and in integrating the contributions of the family system.

5.3 Community-based programmes and services

    Since policies on the aged in Asian countries have emphasized the importance of maintaining, as far as possible, the elderly in the community, programmes based in local communities would formulate an essential, and in most cases, the greatest part of the caring network. Some clarifications should, however, be made about the nature of community-based programmes. First, they should not be regarded as substitutes for institutional care since the needs for the two kinds of services are different. Secondly, rather than replacing the functions of the family, one of the purposes of community-based services is to provide relief mechanisms for family members so that they will not be over-burdened in taking care of the elderly.

    The kinds of community-based programmes for elderly people which have been developed in the Asian region have ranged from those emphasizing the participation of the elderly themselves in community activities to those merely aiming at supporting them to continue their life in the community. China abounds in examples of elderly people acting as volunteers in programmes serving children and the disabled. Elderly women in China are particularly sought after as community organizers since they have the time and know the residents well.

    The participation of the elderly themselves is emphasized less in other Asian countries when community-based programmes, like home help service, are mainly provided for the lonely elderly without a family. In any case, community care has increasingly been perceived 'as a viable part of total care, in its own right' (WHO, 1989:64) rather than as a substitute for institutional care. In Asia, as long as most children still perceive it as their duty to take care of their elderly parents, and elderly people themselves would feel happier to live in the community, more efforts should be made to develop community-based programmes which are suited to the needs of this region.

6. Political Empowerment of the Ageing

    What can be done to enhance the welfare of the elderly in the Asian region? How can they be empowered to protect their own rights and interests? Before answering the above two questions, it might be necessary to examine first the plight presently faced by the Asian elderly. As mentioned above, the elderly people in Asia are often the first generation to have grown up in a modern industrial society. Despite the fact that cultural norms still places elderly people in venerated positions and require the younger generations to show them respect, the elderly have found it increasingly difficult to adjust to the tempo of a rapidly changing society. The difficulty arises partly from the rapid changes which have rendered their past experiences less valuable, but more important still is the consequential lowering of status which the elderly often are even less ready to accept. Hence, in empowering the elderly people, the first necessary step will be to assist them to overcome their loss of status so as to prepare them for new roles and challenges. In other words, elderly people in Asia must realize that their venerated position should no longer be dependent on traditional norms alone, but should also be built upon a modern notion that, as members of the family and society, they have both rights and responsibilities. Hence, as they have contributed towards the welfare of others, they should also have the right to receive assistance. A notion of balanced rights and responsibilities, with elderly people making their contributions and receiving in turn the necessary support and protection, should thus become the basis for any effort to politically empower them.

    The second plight relates to the fact that women, as they live longer, usually far out-number men in the aged group. And elderly women in Asia, on the whole, face far more difficulties than men. In a report on the status of elderly women in the Asian and Pacific region, the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific summarized the difficulties encountered by elderly women in the Asian region as follows: '.......the growing number of elderly women is also associated with high widowhood status, low labour force participation rates, low level of education and lower health status' (Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, 1991:26). Indeed, women in Asia are already occupying a lower status in society than men, and when they become old, they usually have a weaker claim than the males to the utilization of family and community resources. Furthermore, since many elderly women are often deprived of a retirement pension, it is not surprising that a substantial proportion of them in most Asian countries are living in poverty. And without resources, elderly women in Asia cannot purchase needed health and welfare services in the private market to supplement the inadequate provisions provided by the government. Asian elderly women are, thus, often not only poor, but are also suffering from ill health. The traditional subordinate position that women occupy within the family in Asia has further aggravated the plight of elderly women. It has been documented that while elderly women in Asia serve as the most important care-givers within their own families, other family members are less ready to play the reciprocal role. Hence, to empower the elderly in Asia, attention must first be paid to correcting the subordinate position occupied by elderly women by ensuring that they do have the same and equal access to community resources. It would also be necessary to emphasise the contributions elderly women have made as care-givers so as to enhance their status withintheir own families and in the larger community.

    Elderly people in Asia are also known to be poorly organized at the societal level since they tend to confine their activities to within their own families or with relatives. And when community activities are available, such as the provision of social and recreational centres, elderly people are often treated as beneficiaries of services rather than as a group who could organize themselves to advocate for their own interests. It is also commonly believed in Asia that elderly people should maintain a sober attitude and refrain from radical political activities. There are therefore few examples in Asia of elderly people actively fighting for their rights and it could be a long time before they could become a formidable political force (Tout, 1993). To empower the elderly, it might be necessary to make them better aware of the importance of grouping themselves together to put pressure on the government to protect their own interests.

    In summary, the empowerment of the elderly in Asia involves, first, an acceptance of their changing roles and status, both within the family and in the larger community. The inferior position presently occupied by Asian elderly women is another area where improvements must be made. Lastly, elderly people in Asia must understand that they themselves are in the best position to protect their own interests and they must come together to fight for their own rights.

7. Strategies for Bringing Ageing Issues Higher up on the National Agenda

    To follow the above arguments, it becomes obvious that instead of simply confining attention to the welfare of elderly people, a more comprehensive approach is necessary to raise ageing issues higher up on the national agenda. It is not only the elderly themselves who have to be made aware of their new roles and status, but other members of society also have to be educated to change their perception towards the elderly. This does not necessarily imply that society has to do away with all its traditional norms regarding the elderly, but as mentioned above, a more balanced view towards their rights and responsibilities has to be developed. Such a view also should be considered, as suggested by the Vienna International Plan of Action on Ageing adopted in 1982, 'within the broader context of the world's social, economic, cultural and spiritual trends, in order to achieve a just and prosperous life for the ageing, materially as well as spiritually' (1982: 19). In other words, the rights and responsibilities of the elderly can only be defined in relation to the particular social, economic, cultural and spiritual characteristics of individual countries. In fact, only when such rights and responsibilities are congruent with the 'traditions, structures and cultural values' (1982:18) of the country where the elderly are living would will there be a chance for ageing issues to be put on the national agenda, be seriously considered and widely accepted, with resources spent for their implementation.

    The subordinate position of elderly women in Asia is another imbalance which must be corrected before ageing issues can be put higher up on the national agenda. This, it appears, will be another prolonged battle. With most countries in Asia achieving higher levels of economic development, providing as a result greater educational and employment opportunities for women to develop themselves, there are already signs to show that the traditional subordinate position forced upon women is gradually being corrected. Governments in Asia have also begun to recognize that, in addition to serving as the most important stabilizing force within their families, women are also making their contribution towards the economic prosperity of their society. Hence, it can be foreseen that as women in Asia are gaining a more equal footing with men, ageing issues should attract more attention on the national agenda since the elderly women would then be more ready to voice their needs and to make an impact on governmental decisions. Whether or not the welfare of elderly citizens, particularly female ones, would be placed higher up on the national agenda would probably depend, to a large extent, on the degree to which elderly people are allowed the opportunities to involve themselves in community activities and hence to have a say in policies affecting them. The Vienna International Plan of Action on the Ageing stated as one of its principles that 'The ageing should be active participants in the formulation and implementation of policies, including those especially affecting them' (1982:19). The participation of the elderly in community activities in most Asian countries is still to be desired and as a result of their loose organization, they fail to impact on policies affecting their own welfare. Hence, the most immediate action that must be taken is to enhance the involvement of the elderly in different kinds of community activities and at different levels. Once the elderly have learned to make their voice heard and to form themselves into organized groups, they would be in a better position to participate in the decision-making process of their own governments.

    With increasing numbers of elderly people in the population, Asian governments would soon realize that they can no longer regard ageing issues as matters of no importance. Rapid economic development, with concomitant social and structural changes, which the majority of the Asian countries have been experiencing in the last few decades or so, strongly indicates that the long-time tradition of family care for their elderly members can no longer be assumed. The time has come for governments to adopt a proactive attitude towards population ageing and regard the welfare of their senior citizens as equally important as that of other members of society. To achieve this end, the Vienna International Plan of Action on Ageing has urged governments to include 'the question of the ageing of the population .... in national planning, that the needs of the elderly are given the attention they merit, and that the elderly are fully integrated into society' (1982:51). There is no doubt that each country in Asia will have to decide on its own strategies and identify its own plans, but when population ageing is recognized as a national agenda issue requiring attention and allocation of both government and non-governmental resources, the welfare of the elderly will be improved.

    In summary, governments in Asia must place population ageing on their national developmental agenda as an item of importance. This is not only to ensure that their senior citizens are given the widest opportunities to fully integrate into society and are provided with the best possible form of care, but also to ensure that the traditional respect and care for the elderly will not easily fade away as a result of the lack of public support and recognition.

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