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THE
SECRETARY-GENERAL
ADDRESS TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY
ON THE FOLLOW-UP TO THE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON POPULATION
AND DEVELOPMENT
New York, 30 June 1999
Mr. President, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, The Cairo
Conference, whose fifth anniversary we are marking today, was
not an isolated event. It was an integral part of the series
of great conferences held by the United Nations during the 1990s.
I'm sure I don't need to remind you of the themes of those conferences:
the global environment, human rights, population, social development,
women, and human settlements. Those were distinct topics, but
all related to each other, and to one central, overarching aim:
development. Development of nations, and development of people.
And all those conferences aimed to reach the aim through an
organized, yet voluntary effort. A collective effort on a global
scale. An effort by sovereign states and civil society working
together. An effort guided by a common approach, based on universal
values and principles which all could accept. So Cairo was not
just a population conference. It was a conference on population
and development. It was part of a process, going back twenty-five
years or more, during which we have all learned that every society's
hopes of social and economic development are intimately linked
to its demography. All States now understand that, if they are
to provide adequately for the future health and education of
their citizens, they need to incorporate population policies
into their development strategy. Abundant research has shown
us that economic growth and development have profound effects
on fertility, on the size of families, on the age pyramid, and
on patterns of migration. And we hardly need research to tell
us that living conditions at the local level - family and village
- are reflected in the national standard of living. In other
words, demography and development are constantly interacting.
It seems blindingly obvious now, but until Cairo the world did
not fully understand it. Since Cairo, the world does understand
it - and understands, too, that we have to stabilize the population
of this planet. Quite simply, there is a limit to the pressures
our global environment can stand. Patterns of consumption are
one form of pressure, but another is the sheer size of the world's
population - and a third is the way it is distributed around
the globe. That's the global dimension. But there is also an
individual dimension. Every human being aspires to health, security
and dignity. That is the essence of human rights. And we now
realize that sexual and reproductive health is an essential
part of those rights. Don't we all recognize as universal the
anguish of the individual who loses wife or mother in childbirth,
because proper care is not available? Of the teenager whose
options in life are suddenly foreclosed, because she gets pregnant
and drops out of school? Of the woman who has to go on having
children even though she knows her health is at risk? Or of
the refugee who has been raped but is too frightened, or too
ashamed, to ask for help? Better understanding of these issues
has brought real change in the daily life of millions of people.
They now have wider choices, and can make key decisions about
their own lives. Let me give you some examples of how things
have changed since the first population conference, twenty-five
years ago: · Then, women in developing countries had an average
of five children each. Today they have fewer than three. · Then,
thirty per cent of couples used family planning. Today, sixty
per cent do - and the vast majority of governments now support
it. · Then, one hundred and forty out of every thousand babies
born alive would die during childhood. Now, only eighty will.
· Then, average life expectancy was fifty-nine years. Now, sixty-six.
· And, in many countries, fewer women now die in childbirth
- though reliable statistics on this are hard to come by, and
it is certainly an area where much more needs to be done. ·
Meanwhile, at the global level, the rate of growth of the world's
population has slowed dramatically, from 2 to 1.3 per cent per
year. In another twenty-five years it should be down to 0.8.
We are still adding seventy-eight million to our numbers every
year, but that figure too should decline, first slowly and then,
in the second decade of the century, quite steeply. All that
is good news, for which every nation in the world can take some
credit. States have acted on internationally agreed principles
and on their own national priorities and values. Most of them
have achieved slower, more balanced population growth, not by
coercion but by enhancing individual freedom. We can all be
proud that this has been achieved with the help of international
consensus and cooperation under United Nations auspices. And
we should also acknowledge that it was not done by states alone.
NGOs, and other parts of civil society, made a big contribution.
They spread the word. They lobbied for policy changes. They
mobilized people to support national initiatives. So have we
done all that the Cairo Conference recommended? No, my friends.
There is still much to do: · In too many countries, girls still
do not have the same chance to be educated as boys. · Too many
women still cannot choose when or whether to become pregnant.
· Too many women are victims of sexual violence, especially
during conflict. · Too many women resort to abortions that are
not safe. Too many are still subjected to genital mutilation
and other harmful traditional practices. · Too many men remain
ignorant of, or indifferent to, their responsibility for their
family and its reproductive health. · Too many people are still
exposed to sexually transmitted diseases. · Far too many countries
are being ravaged by the spread of AIDS. · People in developing
countries still die too young - as they do in the former communist
countries, in some of which life expectancy has actually declined.
· And so on. Ladies and Gentlemen: The stakes could hardly be
higher. If only we could implement the Cairo programme in full,
we could make a tremendous difference to human rights, to hopes
of prosperity, and to the sustainable use of natural resources.
We must do it. But we cannot do it without funds. In Cairo,
everyone agreed on the need to mobilize new financial resources
- from within developing countries, and also from the international
community. Since then, developing countries have proved their
commitment. But they are cruelly limited in what they can achieve
without outside help. Too often - let's admit it - they are
also limited by the effects of conflicts, arms spending, or
by inadequate leadership. But too often, also, they have to
give priority to debt servicing, or to draconian budgetary austerity
imposed in the name of "structural adjustment". In all cases,
it is the people who suffer. They are entitled to expect more
sympathy, and better treatment, from countries which are more
fortunate. I know, it's easier said than done. Even rich countries
contain many poor people, and their governments face many competing
claims. But what could be more important than the chance to
help the world's people control their numbers through greater
prosperity and wider choice? Ladies and Gentlemen: We can do
it. Thanks to Cairo, we know how to do it. Let us all reaffirm
the pledges we made in Cairo. In the next few days, specific
proposals will be put before you. They are the fruit of five
years' experience, and are based fimrly on the principles agreed
in the Cairo Programme. This Special Session give us a unique
chance to face up to what is undoubtedly one of the great challenges
- perhaps the greatest - of the coming century. You are meeting
in the right place - the United Nations, the world's only truly
global forum. We in the Secretariat, and in UNFPA, are here
to help you. I wish you success in your deliberations. I wish
us all success in the next five years of implementing the Cairo
Programme. Thank you very much.
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