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“Beyond developing equitable and tolerant values and preventing conflict”, writes Isabel Ortiz, “social cohesion is also about the other intangible aspects of citizens’ well-being, their right to live in dignity, to use freely their mother tongue, to enjoy time with their community, to laugh, to have fun, to be creative, all essential aspects of mankind and signs of healthy societies. This is not only a result of material well-being, but of living in societies with no fear, with no exclusion1.”
Recognizing and accommodating diverse ethnicities, languages, religions and identities have often been viewed with suspicion by political leaders, who see it as a threat to social cohesion and social harmony. However, there is strong evidence to suggest that racial and ethnic tensions and conflicts are more likely to manifest themselves in systems that are not based on representation, accountability and transparency, and where ethnic and racial groups are marginalized or excluded.
Far from achieving stability and cohesion, repression of ethnic or racial identities often leads to pent up resentment and anger and may result in violent clashes or tensions among groups or between different groups and the State. In the Arab region, violent conflict and tensions between different ethnic and religious communities are prevalent. Countries such as Lebanon and Iraq are extreme examples where armed hostilities and civil war have built on existing divisions and created even wider schisms between different groups.
In 2004, the Human Development Report by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) affirmed the right of all people to maintain their ethnic, linguistic and religious identities, and emphasized that the failure to recognize and protect such identities can lead to exclusion, impoverishment and violent conflict2. Thus, in addition to traditional economic and social indicators of development, the Report argued that it is imperative for diverse societies to work to secure cultural liberty, “a vital part of human development”.
A central ingredient to truly inclusive, yet culturally diverse, societies is the ability of members of racial, religious or ethnic minorities to actively participate in and influence the economic, social and cultural policies that affect their lives. Progressive legal frameworks and legislations that mandate the protection and equal rights of all groups are a critical cornerstone of equal rights—but they are not enough. To be sure, an affirmation of basic human rights and social equity in the constitution and legislation is a precondition for the achievement of basic rights for all, but it is insufficient to guarantee mutual trust and build national unity. States must seek to create mechanisms aimed at building a shared consensus and providing a forum that fosters dialogue and respect for different identities, while building trust in State institutions.
An integrated social policy is the principal entry point for the attainment of social cohesion. Social policy is about bringing people into the centre of policymaking, not by providing residual welfare but by mainstreaming their needs and voice across all sectors, generating stability and social cohesion. One approach is for States to re-examine the parameters and scope of the social contract: the relationship between citizens and the State defining the roles and responsibilities of both parties. If well designed and negotiated, the social contract can become the basis upon which to forge partnership policies and pathways to achieve a common social vision based on well-being, human rights and equity among citizens. Under a common agreed social vision, the social contract provides the framework for the articulation of mechanisms to ensure checks and balances, accountability and legitimacy.
In a conflict or post-conflict context, the social contract can provide the framework to bring actors together to negotiate on social issues and grievances. Renegotiating a social contract is a long process of consensus- and confidence-building. In Egypt, the Government has recently established the Social Contract Unit within the Office of the Prime Minister to analyze and explore issues of enhancing partnership and empowering all actors in society to play an active role towards achieving a new pro-poor, pro-growth social contract. The need for a new social contract emerged upon the recognition that a “correction” was needed in the relationship between stakeholders in the political, social, economic and administrative domains if Egypt is to successfully face the challenges of the new century.
In many developed and developing countries around the world, Economic and Social Councils have been used as instruments of social partnership, advising Governments on inclusive and equitable public policies. These Councils have been used to understand the social implications of public policies, create partnerships with civil society and major socio-economic groups, and serve the public interest of the majority of citizens. They represent the legitimate interests of a range of constituencies to encourage social dialogue, follow-up on the implementation of social and economic policies to reduce poverty, improve social justice and equity, and promote the principles of human development3. In doing so, they assess the adverse social impact of growth-based public policies and provide alternative proposals for the achievement of employment-generating economic growth and social justice. They also act as a regulatory mechanism and provide a platform for checks and balance.
The Economic and Social Council in Tunisia (CES) is considered a prominent advisory body to the Government and Parliament. Established in 1961, its importance was consolidated by laws in 1988 and again in 2006 when its mandate was expanded and its membership enlarged to include a variety of constituents. Today, CES members represent trade unions and labour organizations, civil society organizations, professional and private sector groups, local government representatives for each of the governorates, representatives of public administrations and institutions, as well as independent experts of various specializations. CES is an important conduit for dialogue between different constituencies in the country on economic and social issues of concern.
The Economic and Social Council’s institutional model is an example of broad national consultation and consensus-building over highly complex and controversial issues of economic and social policy. The framework may be equally applicable in societies dealing with issues of ethnic and racial tension or identity politics. A national forum that institutionalizes the participation of all stakeholders in society can help to foster open dialogue and provide the platform for systematic oversight of government policy affecting different groups in the country.
Notes
1 UN-DESA, Social Policy Guidance Note, (New York, 2006).
2 UNDP, Human Development Report (New York, 2004). http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2004/pdf/hdr04_complete.pdf
3 UN-DESA, The Prospects of Economic and Social Councils in Latin America (New York, 2006).
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