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Macroeconomic policies, financial globalization and changes
in labour market institutions have exacerbated inequality
in recent decades, not only in income and wealth but also
in access to education, health care and social protection,
as well as political participation and influence.
A variety of factors has conspired to worsen the transmission
of inequality from one generation to the next, even within
communities experiencing rapid economic growth. This context
shapes the transmission of knowledge, social responsibility
and life chances, all of which can put communities at risk.
The tremendous demographic changes in the world have exacerbated
these problems profoundly.
As surveyed in The Inequality Predicament, Report on the
World Social Situation 2005, published by the UN Department
of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA), few countries have
proved immune to the global trend of rising inequality or
to its consequences, for example in terms of education, health
and welfare inequalities. There is no simple causal relationship
linking poverty and inequality to violence. Nevertheless,
disparities and the sense of deprivation do contribute to
resentment and social instability, threatening security. Faced
with bleak life prospects and feeling excluded, young people,
in particular, often experience anomie and may turn to anti-social
behaviour, including violence. Nor is there a simple explanation
of what causes poverty. Clearly, however, poverty arises from
various complex conditions requiring multidimensional approaches.
It is hard to imagine, for example, how to "make poverty
history" without also generating enough decent work,
educational opportunities and health care for all.
The world has seen some progress on some fronts. Access to
education for girls has improved in recent decades and some
gender gaps have been reduced. Despite AIDS and the resurgence
of malaria and tuberculosis, life expectancies have increased
in much of the world due to some public health gains. Overall,
however, the inequality gaps are large and in many cases growing.
The most important determinant of income inequality today
is wealth inequality, with the increasing concentration of
asset ownership principally responsible for greater income
inequality in most countries in recent years. Meanwhile, growing
unemployment, widening skill and productivity gaps, as well
as the "informalization" or "casualization"
of labour markets, have exacerbated income inequalities worldwide,
as the number of "working poor" and the incidence
of "jobless growth" have spread.
Since the 1980s, stabilization and structural adjustment
programmes have been imposed with the promise of achieving
higher economic growth, but growth during the last quarter
century in much of the world has been poorer than in the previous
25 years despite more rapid growth in East Asia, India and
a few other countries. Such differences have meant that overall
global inequality may not have unequivocally increased by
some measures. But inequalities at the national level have
increased in most countries, largely due to economic liberalization
at both national and international levels.
In much of the world, such economic reforms have actually
undermined growth rates and the progressive role of Government,
while otherwise increasing overall inequalities. The few exceptions
have been largely due to continued or new progressive government
interventions. The cumulative impact of these reforms over
the past two and a half decades has been greater inequality
in most developed and developing countries, with rising unemployment,
greater earnings disparities, reduced social protection and
environmental degradation.
Financial liberalization has undermined the use of more inclusive
and targeted developmental credit to promote desired economic
activities. In addition, international financial liberalization
has actually resulted in net capital flows from the "capital
poor" to the "capital rich" over the long term,
increased financial volatility and slowed economic growth
in recent decades. Meanwhile, trade liberalization negotiations
seem to ignore various historical trends. As first demonstrated
by the late Sir Hans Singer (see page 52) while he was working
for the United Nations for almost two decades since the 1940s,
the international terms of trade have continued to move against
developing countries over the long run in at least three ways:
the prices of primary commodities have decreased in relation
to those of manufactures; tropical agriculture against temperate
agriculture; and generic manufactures against those protected
by "monopolistic" intellectual property rights.
Trade liberalization of manufactures has resulted in deindustrialization
and greater unemployment in much of the world, as in the case
of garments. And while agricultural trade liberalization may
enhance export earnings for some poor countries, the main
beneficiaries will be the more well-to-do major agricultural
exporters, while those importing currently subsidized food
will be worse off.
The "retreat of the State" in much of the developing
world in recent decades has involved a generally reduced role
for Government, including the capacity to lead and sustain
development, as well as its more progressive social interventions
in areas like public education, health, housing and utilities.
Unless the world refocuses economic policies to address the
adverse impact of economic inequality on growth and poverty
reduction, the poor and the privileged will continue to live
"the inequality predicament" and its potentially
dire consequences.
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