From Secretary-General Kofi Annan's Statement
to the Security Council on 30 April |
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The thing that stands out when we review international engagement in countries affected by conflict is that no single approach has ever been adopted twice, because no two conflicts or post-conflict situations are alike. Even the four recent cases of Afghanistan, Kosovo, Timor-Leste and Sierra Leone are very different from each other, in terms of the causes and consequences of the conflict, the United Nations previous involvement, the political and legal context governing the international community's response, and the sheer size of the affected population and territory.
One of the most important lessons, when it comes to planning the international community's engagement in a new situationsuch as the one we face now in Iraqis the need, first, to reach a common understanding of what makes the crisis in question unique, and then to develop our responses accordingly. We should draw on previous experiences to make our response as effective as possible, while bearing in mind that completely new approaches or forms of assistance may be required.
A few specific lessons stand out:
The trust of the parties and the population can be fragile and cannot be taken for granted over time; their consent needs to be cultivated and preserved.
The role of the international community is not to solve all of a country's problems but to help its people become self-reliant.
Priorities must be set, starting with the essential humanitarian needs of the population, which includes the need for basic conditions of security, law and order. Meeting these needs will also make it easier to foster the conditions in which viable political processes can emerge and growfor instance, by promoting reconciliation, good governance, the rule of law, human rights and transitional justice initiatives.
Decisions on the reform of key State institutions and legal and political structures must, if they are to be sustainable in the long run, be taken by the people of the country themselves. Such a process can succeed only if all the main groups in the country or territory play a part in it and feel that it belongs to them, and do not perceive it as leading to a predetermined outcome. The pacing of the overall process and the sequence and timing of its component parts are also crucial to success. They need to take into account the political, security and socio-economic conditions in the country and the degree of support that can realistically be expected from interested members of the international community. Moving too slowly risks losing momentum and fuelling frustration. But going too fast can be equally counterproductive, if it means taking hurried decisions whose effects are difficult to reverse.
The regional dimension needs early and sustained attention.
And lastly, there is direct correlation between United Nations success and Security Council unityand between United Nations setbacks and divisions among Council members about the strategy to be pursued. The Council must be united in setting out the overall objectives for international assistance and a clear division of labour, and then maintain its unity in providing strong political supportboth during rough periods when progress is at risk, and when the acute phase of the conflict has passed and no longer commands the attention of the world's media.
In the case of Iraqwhich, of course, we all have in mind at the momentthe Council now has the chance to leave behind earlier disagreements and find unity of purpose in the post-war phase. Those decisions will not be easy. But they should not be impossible if you keep some shared principles firmly in mind. As you debate them, I would urge you to set aside past divisions and ask yourselves what will help the Iraqi people most. Their interests must come first. The overriding objective must be to enable the Iraqi people to take charge of their own destiny.
Already, in resolution 1472 (2003), you have reaffirmed your commitment to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq, your respect for the right of the people to determine their own political future and control their own natural resources, and your belief that all parties must abide by their obligations under international law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention.
I am sure you would all agree that sovereignty implies political independence, and that in order to determine their political future, the Iraqi people must be free to choose their own system of government and political leadership. What is needed is an impartial, representative and transparent process, leading to the choice by Iraqis themselves of a credible and legitimate Iraqi political authority to which sovereignty can be restored. I trust you would also agree on the need to put an end to Iraq's isolation and help the people of Iraq, as quickly as possible, to establish conditions for normal life.
Over the coming weeks, the Council will have important decisions to take on existing mandates within the context of the new situationnotably on sanctions, the Oil-for-Food programme and weapons inspections. Beyond that, you will need to consider how best the international community can help Iraqis rebuild their countryand what part the United Nations might play in assisting that effort, and in the process, of restoring Iraqi sovereignty.
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