On major challenges of today's world and the fifty-second session of the General Assembly.

The global agenda has never been so pressing and so complex.

Every day, the international community, in particular the United Nations, has to deal with civil wars, secessions, partitions, ethnic conflicts and tribal clashes. The poison of inter-ethnic and religious intolerance has increasingly afflicted States and even the whole regions, giving rise to a dangerous corrosion of the emerging post-confrontational system of international relations.

Notwithstanding the past efforts, the gap between the developed and developing countries remains unacceptably wide. The specific problems of countries with economies in transition with respect to their twofold transition to democratic societies and market economies should also be responded and duly treated. In addition, the accelerating globalization and inter-dependence of the world economy call for policy designed to ensure the maximization of the benefits from, and the minimization of, negative effects of these trends for all countries.

Our task is to understand the new world of tomorrow, to recognize new requirements and responsibilities, and to relate them in our work for a stable peace, development and democracy. Therefore, a great number of items included in the agenda of the fifty-second session of the General Assembly reflect the challenges facing this Organization and, hence, all of its Member States.

As the world enters the new century, the primary responsibility of the Assembly President, as I see it, is to contribute to achieving greater unity of purposes, coherence of efforts by Member States in the decision-making process and responsiveness agility on the part of the General Assembly to complex issues and changing needs of the world community.

It is my understanding that the Assembly President must not only adequately execute his duties, but also encourage Member States to live up to their obligations and responsibilities, and to take the decisions which he believes would benefit the interests of the international community.

As a person who can be proud of many years of involvement in the UN activities, I can state with all confidence that many of the ordinary people continue to believe in the United Nations and its potential.

Has the life of ordinary people become more safe after the General Assembly approved the text of the Comprehensive Test-Ban-Treaty and its signing by 144 States? Definitely.

Or let us take, for example, the role of the General Assembly in addressing the Palestinian problem or the Middle East peace process, or its support of the new or restored democracies. The role of the Assembly could be hardly overestimated in addressing the issues of eradicating poverty, bridging the gap between the rich and poor nations, or in promoting the sustainable and environmentally safe livelihood.

On overcoming underdevelopment and achieving growth in the poorest nations of the world.

I believe that today it is obviously impossible to offer the universal recipe for the solution of this problem. To invent such a recipe means to take humanity out of social and economic disorder, in fact to elaborate the formula of happiness-the task considered by French philosopher Charles Fourrier as far back as the eighteenth century, to have the same significance as the discovery of the New World by Columbus.

However, this does not mean that the problem of underdevelopment cannot be solved at all. The experience of many developing countries, which made significant progress in economic development and eradication of poverty, testifies to the fact that "the path to the temple" does exist.

In this regard, I would also like to note with satisfaction the successful elaboration of Agenda for Development. Based on consensus reached on global international fora during the recent years, this document outlines basic priorities for the efforts to be made at national and international levels towards overcoming underdevelopment and providing sustainable development with a focus on an individual. A positive feature of this document is the definition of the role and specific tasks of the bodies and agencies of the United Nations system in the promotion of solving the problem on a global scale.

On the priorities in United Nations reform.

The most difficult negotiations in the framework of the UN reform are still ahead of us. Among them, the achievement of the agreement on the expansion of the Security Council membership and the restoration of the financial solvency of the United Nations. It would be, therefore, very important to make a substantial progress in these two crucial areas during the forthcoming session of the General Assembly.

Another important area of the UN reform deals with the implementation of the Secretary-General's proposals, which he presented to the General Assembly on 16 July. In my view, they represent a very significant step forward in the sense of structural reform that would concurrently enable the United Nations to become more efficient, transparent, accountable and reliable.

Therefore, you may consider me also "on board" with the "team of reformers" guided by the Secretary-General. My own concrete proposal on the UN reform is to achieve approval of the membership on policies and directives that have been already announced as a package on 16 July. Better to do this at an early stage of the Assembly's fifty-second session, with a view to enable the Secretary-General to start translating them into specific administrative actions.

The United Nations must be put on sound financial footing.The suggestions for sanctions or incentives to induce Member States to pay their dues in full and on time are not supported by the entire membership. Nevertheless, it has been recognized that the Organization's viable financial basis depends on the political will and commitment of Member States to meet their financial obligations. I believe that a stronger, more efficient and cost-effective United Nations, which is better coordinated and more accountable, will receive a broader support of the Member States, including providing predicable regular financing.

It is also worthwhile to note that the inability of some Member States to meet their financial obligations is a direct result of their over-assessment. We cannot disregard or ignore this reality. The United Nations will not overcome the present financial crisis unless the existing irregularities in the scale of assessments are eliminated.

On the Secretary-General's proposal to hold a summit on the United Nations' future in the year 2000 in Geneva.

The eve of the new millennium provides a timely opportunity for the United Nations to review the progress achieved and determine the new perspectives. In this context, the proposal of the Secretary-General to articulate, at the highest political level, the vision of new prospects and challenges and agree on a process of fundamental review of the UN role in the contemporary world, has a lot of merits. A similar idea was expressed by Ukraine in 1993. I hope that the Secretary-General's proposal will find a wide support among the Member States of this Organization.

On Ukraine's position towards the United Nations.

As is known, in the spring of 1945, Ukraine was invited to participate in the historic San Francisco Conference, which was called upon (as was said by President Truman) to establish a worldwide rule of reason. An invitation to become a founding member of the United Nations proved, first of all, recognition of the outstanding contribution of the Ukrainian people to the victory over Nazism. However, in many UN reference books, one will find, near the word "Ukraine", a note saying approximately the following: "Until December 1991, Ukraine was an integral part of the USSR and not an independent country, though had a separate UN membership." Indeed, this circumstance strongly influenced the position of Ukrainian diplomacy in the United Nations: for a long time our representatives executed Ukraine's statute duties under vigilant surveillance of the USSR representatives and frequently suffered from their rough dictatorship.

In spite of such "special status" of Ukraine and even against it, our diplomacy, by its practical deeds in the United Nations proved the importance of Ukraine as an active and consistent supporter of the high goals and principles of the UN Charter, developed, by the way, by a Committee headed by the representative of our country at the Conference. The world learned about such features of Ukrainian national character as creative attitude to work, diligence, cooperativeness and tolerance. A nation which, for the first time in the history of mankind, voluntarily gave up its nuclear weapons and by its practical actions has confirmed its ability to be a weighty factor of international and regional security, and can effectively stand for its own national interests, has all reasons to enjoy authority and respect among all members of the world Organization.

On Ukraine's position in Europe and in the world.

Ukraine is one of Europe's largest and most populated countries, an integral part of the Central and Eastern European region. For Ukraine, therefore, the accession to the European integration processes is not only a strategic foreign policy objective, but also an urgent necessity. Geopolitical situation, cultural traditions, rich natural resources and powerful economic potential make it possible to state that once overcoming today's hardships, Ukraine soon may become a prosperous democratic European State and a reliable partner in the emerging new bigger and united Europe.

Ukraine is able, owing to its geographical location, to serve as a bridge between Europe and Euro-Asia, the southern and northern parts of Europe. Having close ties with the East and the West, a prosperous Ukraine eliminates a threat of new bloc confrontation in Europe, prevents new division lines on the continent and, consequently, will contribute to stability in the world as a whole.

On the role of the Eastern European Group in international affairs, and the reform efforts of the economies in transition.

Well, first I would like to express most sincere thanks to all countries of the Eastern European group for their unanimous decision to recommend my candidature for the Presidency of the General Assembly this year. I would specially stress the constructive role of our neighbour, the Slovak Republic, which decided to withdraw its own candidature and appealed to other members of the Group to support our candidature. Indeed, the Eastern European Group numbers now 21 States, which almost twice exceeds its membership in the late 1980s.

The elimination of ideological confrontation, along with the active integration of those countries to the European and world structures, have substantially increased their "specific gravity" in the world politics. Today, it is impossible, in my opinion, to settle any major international issue both related to peace and security and to global economy without the participation of the countries of the region.

Regrettably, the economic situations in the countries of the Central and Eastern Europe, as well as in the Baltic States and the new independent States that emerged on the vast space of the former Soviet Union, are not so impressive as in the political sphere. Many of these States, including my own country, Ukraine, have to address a threefold challenge all at once: the establishment of a real nationhood; the fostering and promotion of democratic values; and the development of economic transformation.

However, it is my feeling that the current year may become crucial for the transition economies. After years of decline, these nations, including Ukraine, have managed to achieve the stabilization at the macroeconomic level. As the authors of the United Nations "World Economic and Social Survey 1997" note, most of these nations have started their economic recovery and it was expected that 1997 might see the first increase in output in the region as a whole since 1989.

On his hobbies and leisure activities.

Well, my answer can sadden many of my colleagues in the world-the profession of a diplomat, the more so that of a chief of foreign office, leaves too little time even for family life, to say nothing of personal hobbies.

But, on the other hand, this trade may become-owing to its peculiarities-an incurable disease (in a Pickwickian sense), and the diplomat whose art has not turned into a self-sufficient universe, could scarcely make great progress in the field of diplomacy. The secret, in my opinion, is in the following: the art of relations between States is always reduced to contacts between people authorized to represent those States. So I think it would be worth mentioning a French writer's well-known statement, according to which human relations were defined as greatest delight in the world.

Nevertheless, I sometimes regret very much that the day lacks additional hours to give me more attention to my family, to read a book of a favorite author and to feast my eyes upon the richness and splendor of Ukrainian nature.

I am a workaholic, I do not have spare time. I work every day from 8 a.m. till 11 p.m. Every day, without any exceptions. No Saturdays. There is a difference between the weekday and Saturday working days-that on Saturdays I do not have a lunch

On the city of New York and its people.

When one approaches New York, one can see at once that, unlike many other cities, New York does not hide itself, but protrudes pompously. The city's outlines have never left me indifferent. In general, this is one of the peculiarities of this city: one can like or dislike it, but no one is left indifferent.

Wandering among New York skyscrapers, one often feels like an ant in a mountain gorge. But this gorge, joyful and friendly, with pizzerias at every corner, looks very comfortable. When in New York, any person, no matter from what part of the world he or she comes, never feels a foreigner, in spite of the mad New York traffic. But traffic is a separate topic for discussion.

I spent over 12 years in New York and without hesitation I can say: "I love New York and the United Nations."

A Moment in Time Once in 1989, when I was the Permanent Representative of the Ukrainian S.S.R. to the United Nations and headed one of the General Assembly's main committees, I was invited to make a speech at the Los Angeles Eastern College. Every year, this College arranges an all-American conference for its prospective graduate and post-graduate students of international relations. The organizers proposed that I, a Soviet diplomat, should tell those young people about the criteria to be followed by an American diplomat. Could you imagine that? Nonetheless, the topic seemed quite challenging to me. So, I arrived in Los Angeles early morning and, having three hours at my disposal before the conference, thought over about what I should speak there. And it was right there that my major "Three Ps" principle (as translated from Ukrainian it sounds: "professionalism, patriotism and palpable honesty") was born to be observed from there on. That was a unique occasion when a Soviet diplomat was asked to define for an American audience the norms for their diplomatic practice!